Letter to the Church in Caldwell County, Missouri, 16 December 1838
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Source Note
JS, Letter, , Clay Co., MO, to the church in , MO, 16 Dec. 1838. Featured version copied [between 16 Dec. 1838 and ca. May 1839]; handwriting of ; seven pages; JS Collection, CHL. Includes use marks, docket, and possible redactions.Two biofolia measuring 12½ × 8 inches (32 × 20 cm). The bifolia were folded for filing. Later, they were fastened with two staples in the upper left corner; the staples were subsequently removed. The document has undergone conservation.The copied letter was in ’s possession from the time of inscription until late 1839 or early 1840, when it was evidently used as a source text for the published version of the letter in the April 1840 issue of the Times and Seasons. In the 1840s, church clerk docketed the verso of the second leaf of the second biofolium: “Epistle from J. Smith | Liberty Jail— to the | Church of J. C. L. D. S | Decr 16— 1838.” The document has apparently remained in continuous institutional custody.
Footnotes
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1
Huntington’s copy and the Times and Seasons version share about fifty variants that are not found in other versions. In one case, the Times and Seasons incorporated wording regarding Sampson Avard that was inserted between lines of text in Huntington’s copy. (See JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, in Times and Seasons, Apr. 1840, 1:82–86.)
Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.
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2
Church clerk Thomas Bullock used this copy as a source text for an amalgamated version of the 16 December 1838 letter he inscribed in JS’s manuscript history in the mid-1840s. The document was included in the Joseph Smith Collection circa 1970. (Historian’s Office, JS History, Rough Draft Notes, 16 Dec. 1838; JS History, vol. C-1, 868–873.)
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1
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Historical Introduction
On 16 December 1838, JS composed a letter from the in , Missouri, to the in , Missouri, as well as “all the Saints who are scattered abroad.” By 16 December, JS had been in state custody for more than six weeks and had undergone a seventeen-day criminal court of inquiry, or preliminary hearing, that resulted in his imprisonment in Liberty. There he awaited a spring 1839 trial on charges of treason and other crimes. Filled with indignation toward those he perceived were the cause of his imprisonment and dismayed at his doleful circumstances and the thought of spending the winter in jail, JS vented his emotions in this lengthy letter to the church. JS apparently patterned the letter after New Testament epistles, opening with a salutation, expressing prayers for church members, commenting on difficulties the church faced, and concluding with a blessing. He also quoted liberally from the Bible and other scriptures and placed the Saints’ predicament within the context of the long history of persecution against God’s people.Much of the letter condemns dissenters—the devil’s “emissaries.” JS contended that they cooperated with the Saints’ enemies during the recent conflict and were therefore responsible for the deaths of several Latter-day Saints, for JS’s arrest and incarceration, and for the expulsion of church members from the . JS focused his ire on the delegation that had negotiated with Major General on 31 October 1838: , , , , and . JS argued that the delegation had betrayed him, resorting to deception to lure him into the enemies’ camp. Additionally, JS asserted that several other dissenters—including , and , and —had spread false rumors that endangered the church. JS also contended that the teachings of , a former general, were not authorized by the . In the letter, JS also stated that the many dissenters who testified for the prosecution at the November 1838 hearing had “borne false witness” against the Mormon prisoners.Further, JS condemned the anti-Mormon forces that fought against the Latter-day Saints. He argued that religious and civil elites—whom he compared to Sadducees, Pharisees, and other opponents of Jesus Christ in the New Testament—instigated mob violence against church members. JS denied committing the crimes for which he and other Mormons were imprisoned, including treason and murder, and argued instead that the church’s enemies were guilty of these offenses.Although much of the letter is colored by JS’s indignation toward the church’s opponents, portions of the epistle also reflect confidence that God would vindicate the Saints. Comparing the dissenters to Haman, Balaam, Korah, and Job’s false friends—biblical figures who sought to hinder and persecute God’s people—JS reassured church members that just as the Lord rescued his ancient followers from their oppressors, he would deliver his latter-day people. Perhaps responding to dissenters who challenged JS’s prophetic leadership, JS also included in the letter the text of a revelation that declared he retained the “,” or the divine authority, that had been given to him. Near the close of the letter, JS promised the Saints that although appeared to be dead, it would ultimately be revitalized.It is unclear how JS produced the original letter, which is not extant. JS probably discussed the major themes of the epistle with his fellow prisoners—which perhaps explains the frequent use of the first-person plural in the letter—although he alone signed the document. Close examination of extant copies indicates that two distinct textual traditions—one based on a rough draft, the other based on a revised draft—may have originated from inside the . Assuming that the textual production of the 16 December 1838 letter was similar to that of the circa 22 March 1839 general epistle, JS likely dictated a rough draft, which then was edited and revised under his direction. One or more subsequent drafts would have then been made to incorporate the changes, and both versions would have been sent out of the jail, presumably to increase circulation of the letter’s content among the Saints.JS’s scribe, , copied the rough draft or an intermediary version into a church record book, probably before moving to in spring 1839. Latter-day Saint likely copied a revised version or an intermediary copy prior to her move to Illinois in May. Consistent with the proposed scenario regarding the letter’s production, the differences between the copies made by Mulholland and Huntington reflect conscious editing decisions rather than routine copying errors. The variants include shortened phrases, modernized word forms (for example, “seeth” changed to “sees”), altered diction (for example, “God” changed to “the Lord” and “state” changed to “government”), deleted slang phrases, and improved grammatical constructions. In a few cases, entire phrases and sentences in Mulholland’s copy are absent from Huntington’s copy; for example, Huntington’s copy does not include “We stood in our own defence and we believe that no man of us acted only in a just a lawful and righteous retaliation against such marauders.” Given that Huntington’s copy likely represents the textual tradition of the most polished version produced under JS’s direction, it is featured here. Significant variants in Mulholland’s version are noted in annotation.As demonstrated by the multiple copies that have survived, the epistle circulated broadly among the Saints in manuscript form. In a 14 May 1839 letter, Latter-day Saint David Foote included an eleven-line quotation from the revised version of the 16 December 1838 epistle to support his assertion that JS’s willingness to suffer for his religion proved his sincerity and his status as a prophet. A revised version of the 16 December letter was published in the April 1840 issue of the Times and Seasons, substantially increasing the letter’s circulation.
Footnotes
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2
See Doty, Letters in Primitive Christianity, 27–47.
Doty, William G. Letters in Primitive Christianity. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1973.
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3
Two drafts of the circa 22 March 1839 general epistle are extant. JS dictated the first draft, corrected and revised it, and then had a fair copy made that reflected the changes. Despite differences between the drafts, JS evidently sent both versions of the circa 22 March epistle to the Saints, presumably to broaden circulation. (See Historical Introduction to Letter to Edward Partridge and the Church, ca. 22 Mar. 1839; see also Hall, Ways of Writing, 32–33.)
Hall, David D. Ways of Writing: The Practice and Politics of Text-Making in Seventeenth-Century New England. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008.
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4
See JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, in “General,” Record Book, 101–108. There are two indications that Mulholland copied the letter before moving from Missouri to Illinois. First, Mulholland inscribed the letter in the record book that was JS’s primary journal in Missouri in 1838. After Mulholland copied the letter into the record book, it remained unused until the mid-1840s. When Mulholland copied JS’s Missouri-era correspondence in Illinois, he used a different record book, JS Letterbook 2. Second, George W. Robinson probably corrected Mulholland’s transcript while the two men were working together in Missouri, perhaps when Robinson corrected Mulholland’s copy of a revelation in the Missouri journal that Robinson was keeping for JS. There is no indication that Robinson functioned as JS’s scribe after leaving Missouri. (See Source Note for Journal, Mar.–Sept. 1838; JS, Journal, Mar.–Sept. 1838, pp. 72–74; Mulholland, Journal, 22 Apr. 1839.)
“General,” Record Book, 1838. Verso of Patriarchal Blessings, vol. 5. CHL.
Mulholland, James. Journal, Apr.–Oct. 1839. In Joseph Smith, Journal, Sept.–Oct. 1838. Joseph Smith Collection. CHL. MS 155, box 1, fd. 4.
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5
Huntington arrived in Commerce, Illinois, on 16 May 1839. Although it is possible that Huntington copied the epistle after her removal to Illinois, her own illness and the death of her mother makes it unlikely. Her copy includes an interlineal insertion regarding Sampson Avard that was later incorporated into the version of the letter published in the Times and Seasons, indicating that April 1840 is the last possible copying date. (Zina Huntington Young, Autobiographical Sketch, 10; Oliver Huntington, “History of Oliver Boardman Huntington,” 47–48, 52–54; JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, in Times and Seasons, Apr. 1840, 1:85.)
Young, Zina Huntington. Autobiographical Sketch, no date. Zina Card Brown Family Collection, 1806–1972. CHL.
Huntington, Oliver B. “History of Oliver Boardman Huntington,” 1845–1846. BYU.
Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.
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6
At a later date, Phebe Carter Woodruff made an incomplete copy of the letter that reflected the rough draft’s textual tradition. Although Woodruff’s copy closely parallels Mulholland’s, her copy contains some copying errors—for example, writing “mental” instead of “mutual” and “starve” instead of “strive.” She also omitted some words and short phrases, apparently inadvertently. A few variants may have been editorial decisions, such as changing words (for example, revising “evidence” to “witness”) and adding phrases that were probably not in the original letter, such as the heading “An Epistle given to the church of Latter-day Saints in Caldwell County Missouri by Jesus Christ through Joseph Smith jr. while in Liberty jail.” For unknown reasons, Woodruff did not complete the copy. According to a note written on the letter’s wrapper, Phebe’s husband, Wilford Woodruff, donated the copy to the Church Historian’s Office on 27 May 1857. (JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, JS Collection, CHL.)
Smith, Joseph. Collection, 1827–1846. CHL. MS 155.
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7
David Foote, Adams Co., IL, to Thomas Clement and Betsey Foote Clement, Dryden, NY, 14 May 1839, CHL.
Foote, David. Letter, to Thomas Clement, 14 May 1839. CHL.
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8
JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, in Times and Seasons, Apr. 1840, 1:82–86.
Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.
Document Transcript
Footnotes
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1
In April 1838, JS dictated a revelation announcing that the church’s official name was changing from the Church of the Latter Day Saints to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. The former name was evidently still used at times after the dictation of the revelation. (Revelation, 26 Apr. 1838 [D&C 115:4].)
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2
See James 1:1.
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3
See Jeremiah 12:11; Ezekiel 6:6; and Job 16:7.
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4
See 2 Corinthians 11:26.
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5
See 2 Timothy 1:2; and Titus 1:4.
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6
See Book of Mormon, 1830 ed., 320 [Alma 34:27].
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7
See Mark 1:35.
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8
See Matthew 6:6.
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9
Being imprisoned “for the testimony of Jesus” is a nonbiblical phrase frequently used in the early nineteenth century by authors of religious texts. (See, for example, Clarke, New Testament, 777; and Abridgment of the Book of Martyrs, 176, 563.)
Clarke, Adam. The New Testament of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. The Text Carefully Printed from the Most Correct Copies of the Present Authorised Version, Including the Marginal Readings and Parallel Texts. . . . Vol. 1. New York: J. Emory and B. Waugh, 1831.
An Abridgment of the Book of Martyrs: To Which Are Prefixed, the Living Testimonies of the Church of God, and Faithful Martyrs, in Different Ages of the World; and the Corrupt Fruits of the False Church, in the Time of the Apostacy. New York: Samuel Wood, 1810.
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10
See Exodus 20:16.
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11
See Esther chaps. 2–8.
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12
See Matthew 4:12; Luke 23:19; John 3:24; and Book of Mormon, 1830 ed., 17, 200, 298 [1 Nephi 7:14; Mosiah 21:23; Alma 26:29].
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13
See Psalms 7:15; 140:5.
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14
See Psalm 69:28.
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15
See 1 Peter 4:12.
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16
See Hebrews 7:19.
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17
Mulholland’s copy has “God hath made broad our shoulders for the burden,” while Foote’s quotation has “God has made our shoulders broad that we can resist.” (JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, in “General,” Record Book, 102; David Foote, Adams Co., IL, to Thomas Clement and Betsey Foote Clement, Dryden, NY, 14 May 1839, CHL.)
“General,” Record Book, 1838. Verso of Patriarchal Blessings, vol. 5. CHL.
Foote, David. Letter, to Thomas Clement, 14 May 1839. CHL.
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18
See Romans 5:3.
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19
See Matthew 10:28; and Luke 12:4.
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20
In Mulholland’s copy, this phrase is followed by “and those who love and make and swear falsehoods, to take away our lives.” (JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, in “General,” Record Book, 102.)
“General,” Record Book, 1838. Verso of Patriarchal Blessings, vol. 5. CHL.
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21
See Revelation, May 1829–A [D&C 11:20].
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22
Instead of “principle,” Mulholland’s copy has “purposes” and Woodruff’s copy has “principles.” (JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, in “General,” Record Book, 102; JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, JS Collection, CHL.)
“General,” Record Book, 1838. Verso of Patriarchal Blessings, vol. 5. CHL.
Smith, Joseph. Collection, 1827–1846. CHL. MS 155.
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23
See 2 Peter 2:8.
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24
Isaiah 29:21.
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25
See Doctrine and Covenants 36:1, 1835 ed. [D&C 10:2].
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26
See Matthew 6:23; compare Book of Mormon, 1830 ed., 482–483 [3 Nephi 13:23].
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27
See John 15:19.
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28
See Matthew 7:15; compare Book of Mormon, 1830 ed., 484 [3 Nephi 14:15]. For more information on Hinkle’s role in the arrest of JS, see Introduction to Part 3: 4 Nov. 1838–16 Apr. 1839. Although no evidence indicates Hinkle associated with other dissenters prior to the 31 October 1838 negotiations with Major General Samuel D. Lucas, Hinkle had been critical of JS’s leadership of the Mormon military operations against anti-Mormon vigilantes. He also testified for the prosecution at the November 1838 hearing. (George M. Hinkle, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [38]–[45], State of Missouri v. JS et al. for Treason and Other Crimes [Mo. 5th Jud. Cir. 1838], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”)
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29
Woodruff’’s copy has “took him by the hand and” here. (JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, JS Collection, CHL.)
Smith, Joseph. Collection, 1827–1846. CHL. MS 155.
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30
See Isaiah 53:7; Acts 8:32; and Book of Mormon, 1830 ed., 186 [Mosiah 14:7; 15:6]. Corrill and Peck accompanied Hinkle during the negotiations with Lucas on 31 October 1838. Corrill and Peck later claimed their dissent began with the expulsion of David and John Whitmer, Oliver Cowdery, and Lyman Johnson from Far West in June 1838. Corrill and Peck were also critical of the Danite society and the Saints’ military operations during the Daviess County expedition in October 1838. Both testified for the prosecution at the November 1838 hearing. (John Corrill, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [29]–[34]; Reed Peck, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [55]–[64], in State of Missouri, “Evidence”; Corrill, Brief History, 29–30, 32, 36–38; Reed Peck, Quincy, IL, to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839, pp. 29, 34–36, 41–42, 50–51, 56–57, 84–92, 106, 108, Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA.)
Peck, Reed. Letter, Quincy, IL, to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839. Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA.
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31
See Numbers chap. 22. Hinkle later denied receiving “Missouri gold”—meaning a bribe—for his role in the surrender and arrest of JS. (George M. Hinkle, Buffalo, Iowa Territory, to William W. Phelps, Nauvoo, IL, 14 Aug. 1844, in Ensign, Aug. 1844, 30–32.)
The Ensign. Independence, MO. 1844–1845.
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32
Instead of “comforters,” Mulholland’s copy has “destroyers.” Phelps was also a member of the delegation that met with Lucas on 31 October 1838. Phelps had been excommunicated in March 1838 but was rebaptized in late June or early July. However, he later said that he opposed JS’s and Rigdon’s alleged efforts to circumvent lawsuits. According to Latter-day Saint Burr Riggs, Rigdon identified Phelps in late July as a dissenter whose influence needed to be curbed. Like Hinkle, Corrill, and Peck, Phelps opposed the church’s October 1838 military operations in Daviess County. He testified for the prosecution at the November 1838 hearing. (JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, in “General,” Record Book, 102; R. Peck to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839, p. 108; Minute Book 2, 10 Mar. 1838; Edward Partridge, Far West, MO, to Newel K. Whitney, Kirtland, OH, 24 July 1838, in Reynolds Cahoon, Far West, MO, to Newel K. Whitney, Kirtland, OH, 23 July 1838, CHL; William W. Phelps, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [84], [87]; Burr Riggs, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [73]–[74], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”)
“General,” Record Book, 1838. Verso of Patriarchal Blessings, vol. 5. CHL.
Peck, Reed. Letter, Quincy, IL, to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839. Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA.
Cahoon, Reynolds, and Edward Partridge. Letter, Far West, MO, to Newel K. Whitney, Kirtland Mills, OH, 23 and 24 July 1838. CHL.
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33
See Job 2:11–13.
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34
See Numbers chap. 16; and Jude 1:11.
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35
See Numbers chap. 16; 26:9; Deuteronomy 11:6; and Psalm 106:17.
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36
See Book of Mormon, 1830 ed., 46 [1 Nephi 17:44].
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37
See 1 Timothy 4:2.
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38
See Matthew 18:7; and Luke 17:1.
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39
Matthew 5:11–12; compare Book of Mormon, 1830 ed., 480 [3 Nephi 12:11–12].
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40
See John 15:18.
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41
Hyrum Smith testified in 1843 court proceedings that on 1 November 1838, about twenty priests “of the different religious denominations” participated in a court-martial in the militia camp, during which the prisoners were condemned to death. The execution was averted through the intervention of Brigadier General Alexander Doniphan. (Hyrum Smith, Testimony, Nauvoo, IL, 1 July 1843, p. 14, Nauvoo, IL, Records, CHL; see also Introduction to Part 3: 4 Nov. 1838–16 Apr. 1839.)
Nauvoo, IL. Records, 1841–1845. CHL. MS 16800.
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42
In Pratt’s 1839 history, he recounted that he, JS, and the other prisoners “were marched into camp surrounded by thousands of savage looking beings, many of whom were painted like Indian warriors,” and that their captors “set up a constant yell, like so many blood hounds let loose on their prey, as if they had achieved one of the most miraculous victories which ever dignified the annals of the world.” (Pratt, History of the Late Persecution, 40.)
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43
For more information on the criminal charges against JS and other Mormons, see Introduction to Part 3: 4 Nov. 1838–16 Apr. 1839.
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44
Religious, political, and legal elites had been the foremost opponents of the Saints in Missouri since the early 1830s. The 1830s was the decade with the highest level of mob violence in the United States prior to the Civil War. Rigdon later reported that some of the most active instigators of mob violence against the Mormons in 1838 were Presbyterian minister Sashel Woods, Methodist minister Samuel Bogart, attorneys Thomas C. Burch and Amos Rees, state senator Cornelius Gilliam, and a Judge Smith of the Daviess County Circuit Court. (Grimsted, “Rioting in Its Jacksonian Setting,” 361–397; Anderson, “Clarifications of Boggs’s Order,” 27–83; Sidney Rigdon, JS, et al., Petition Draft [“To the Publick”], pp. 16–17[a], 22[a], 26[a], [27b], [31b].)
Grimsted, David. “Rioting in Its Jacksonian Setting.” American Historical Review 77, no. 2 (Apr. 1972): 361–397.
Anderson, Richard Lloyd. “Clarifications of Boggs’s ‘Order’ and Joseph Smith’s Constitutionalism.” In Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint Church History: Missouri, edited by Arnold K. Garr and Clark V. Johnson, 27–83. Provo, UT: Department of Church History and Doctrine, Brigham Young University, 1994.
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45
In Mulholland’s copy, this phrase is followed by “and every other E and ite agging on.” The term “agging on” was a nineteenth-century variant of the slang term “egging on.”a The New Testament mentions the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Herodians—all Jewish groups—often in the context of persecuting Jesus. Although the Essenes are not mentioned in the Bible, information on this Jewish group was included in a widely circulated nineteenth-century theological dictionary.b
(aJS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, in “General,” Record Book, 104; see “A Provincial Vocabulary,” 421; “Suit for Alleged Malpractice,” 120; and “Relation of Plumbing to Public Health,” 24.bSee, for example, Matthew 16:1; Mark 12:13; Luke 20:27; and “Essenes,” in Buck, Theological Dictionary, 132; see also Stemberger, Jewish Contemporaries of Jesus, 1–4; and Meier, “Historical Jesus and the Historical Herodians,” 740–746.)“General,” Record Book, 1838. Verso of Patriarchal Blessings, vol. 5. CHL.
“A Provincial Vocabulary.” Monthly Magazine; or, British Register 26, no. 5 (1 Dec. 1808): 421–423.
“A Suit for Alleged Malpractice.” Cleveland Medical Gazette 2, no. 4 (Feb. 1887): 117–132.
“The Relation of Plumbing to Public Health.” Plumbers’ Trade Journal 24, no. 1 (1 July 1898): 24.
Buck, Charles. A Theological Dictionary, Containing Definitions of All Religious Terms; a Comprehensive View of Every Article in the System of Divinity. . . . New American ed., edited by George Bush. Philadelphia: James Kay Jr., 1830.
Stemberger, Günter. Jewish Contemporaries of Jesus: Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1995.
Meier, John P. “The Historical Jesus and the Historical Herodians.” Journal of Biblical Literature 119, no. 4 (Winter 2000): 740–746.
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46
Following the October 1838 expulsion of the Saints from De Witt, Carroll County, Missouri, anti-Mormon vigilantes announced they would remove the Mormons from Daviess County. Heeding the call, troops under Cornelius Gilliam and other vigilante leaders began harassing Latter-day Saints in outlying areas of the county, forcing some to flee their homes and seek refuge in Adam-ondi-Ahman and Far West, Missouri. These activities continued through early November. (Greene, Facts relative to the Expulsion, 20–21; Sidney Rigdon, JS, et al., Petition Draft [“To the Publick”], pp. 29[a]–[31b].)
Greene, John P. Facts Relative to the Expulsion of the Mormons or Latter Day Saints, from the State of Missouri, under the “Exterminating Order.” By John P. Greene, an Authorized Representative of the Mormons. Cincinnati: R. P. Brooks, 1839.
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47
In Mulholland’s copy, this phrase is followed by “We stood in our own defence and we believe that no man of us acted only in a just a lawful and righteous retaliation against such marauders.” (JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, in “General,” Record Book, 104; for more information on the Latter-day Saints’ October 1838 strikes against anti-Mormons in Daviess County, see Introduction to Part 3: 4 Nov. 1838–16 Apr. 1839.)
“General,” Record Book, 1838. Verso of Patriarchal Blessings, vol. 5. CHL.
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48
The “wolf” was probably Captain Samuel Bogart of the Ray County militia, whose troops engaged in a skirmish with Latter-day Saint men at Crooked River near the Ray County–Caldwell County border on 25 October 1838. Neither JS nor his fellow prisoners were present for the fight, during which Missourian Moses Rowland was killed, although JS met the returning Mormon men about six miles south of Far West soon after to administer healing blessings to the wounded. In the November 1838 preliminary hearing, Judge Austin A. King did not find probable cause to believe that JS was involved in Rowland’s death, although the press identified JS as an accessory to the killing both before and after the fact and a Ray County grand jury subsequently indicted him as an accessory, after the fact, to murder. (Introduction to Part 3: 4 Nov. 1838–16 Apr. 1839; Sampson Avard, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [21]; Morris Phelps, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [28]; Austin A. King, Ruling, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [124]–[125], in State of Missouri, “Evidence”; Baugh, “Call to Arms,” 245–246; “The Mormon Prisoners,” Daily Herald and Gazette [Cleveland, OH], 29 Dec. 1838, [2]; Indictment, Richmond, MO, Apr. 1839, State of Missouri v. Pratt et al. [Ray Co. Cir. Ct. 1839], Boone Co., MO, Circuit Court Records, 1839, State Historical Society of Missouri, Columbia.)
Baugh, Alexander L. “A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri.” PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1996. Also available as A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri, Dissertations in Latter-day Saint History (Provo, UT: Joseph Fielding Smith Institute for Latter-day Saint History; BYU Studies, 2000).
Daily Herald and Gazette. Cleveland. 1837–1839.
Boone County, Missouri, Circuit Court Records, 1839. State Historical Society of Missouri, Columbia.
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49
TEXT: “ears” was written over a knife-erased word, perhaps “allso.” Allegations of adultery may have derived from rumors of an early plural marriage. (Historical Introduction to Letter from Thomas B. Marsh, 15 Feb. 1838; Minutes, 12 Apr. 1838.)
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50
See John 15:19.
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51
Instead of “make a tool of these fellows,” Mulholland’s copy has “make a toast of these characters” and Woodruff’’s copy has “make a fool of these characters.” (JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, in “General,” Record Book, 105; JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, JS Collection, CHL.)
“General,” Record Book, 1838. Verso of Patriarchal Blessings, vol. 5. CHL.
Smith, Joseph. Collection, 1827–1846. CHL. MS 155.
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52
Instead of “base traitors and sycophants,” Woodruff’’s copy has “liars traitors all around.”
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53
The phrase “community of wives,” derived from English translations of Plato’s Republic, was used in the early nineteenth century to describe communal groups in which men shared relationships with women in addition to sharing property. (“Nicolaitans,” in Buck, Theological Dictionary, 312; “Polygamy,” in Encyclopaedia Americana, 10:230; Memoirs of Matthias the Prophet, 12.)
Buck, Charles. A Theological Dictionary, Containing Definitions of All Religious Terms; a Comprehensive View of Every Article in the System of Divinity. . . . New American ed., edited by George Bush. Philadelphia: James Kay Jr., 1830.
Encyclopaedia Americana. A Popular Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, Literature, History, Politics and Biography, Brought Down to the Present Time; Including a Copious Collection of Original Articles in American Biography; on the Basis of the Seventh Edition of the German Conversations-Lexicon. Edited by Francis Lieber, Edward Wigglesworth, and Thomas G. Bradford. New Edition. 13 vols. Philadelphia: Desilver, Thomas, 1836.
Memoirs of Matthias the Prophet, with a Full Exposure of His Atrocious Impositions and of the Degrading Delusions of His Followers. New York: The Sun, 1835.
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54
See Revelation, 9 Feb. 1831 [D&C 42:1–72]; and Cook, Joseph Smith and the Law of Consecration, 5–28.
Cook, Lyndon W. Joseph Smith and the Law of Consecration. Provo, UT: Grandin Book, 1985.
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55
See Exodus 20:14; and Revelation, 9 Feb. 1831 [D&C 42:24].
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56
See Exodus 20:17.
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57
See Matthew 5:28; compare Book of Mormon, 1830 ed., 481 [3 Nephi 12:28].
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58
See Book of Mormon, 1830 ed., 165 [Mosiah 4:26]; and James 1:27.
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59
See Joshua 24:15.
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60
See 1 Thessalonians 5:22.
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61
TEXT: These insertions are in a different ink and perhaps in different handwriting.
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Avard was an influential Danite general during the first few months after the society was organized in summer 1838. He led the movement to expel dissenters from Far West in June, received public recognition as a general in the Fourth of July parade in Far West, and assumed a prominent role in the expedition to Daviess County in August.a To achieve the purpose of the society—to silence internal dissent and defend the church from vigilante attacksb—Avard reportedly advocated unquestioned obedience to the First Presidency, lying, stealing, killing, and resistance to the law.c According to Reed Peck, after some Danites objected to Avard’s teachings, the First Presidency attended a meeting “to show the society that what he [Avard] was doing was according to their direction or will.” Avard, however, “did not explain to the presidency what his teachings had been in the society.”d John Corrill reported that Avard’s more extreme proposals were known only to a few Danite leaders and that the First Presidency denied knowledge of the proposals.e At some point after the August expedition to Daviess County, JS removed Avard from leadership, although Avard apparently continued to exercise influence outside of the society’s leadership structure.f Perhaps embittered by his demotion, Avard was the key witness for the state in the November 1838 hearing.g
(aLetter to Oliver Cowdery et al., ca. 17 June 1838; “Celebration of the 4th of July,” Elders’ Journal, Aug. 1838, 60; JS, Journal, 7–9 Aug. 1838; Affidavit, 5 Sept. 1838.bSee Introduction to Part 2: 8 July–29 Oct. 1838.cCorrill, Brief History, 30–32; R. Peck to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839, pp. 38–52; Phelps, Reminiscences, 6–7.dReed Peck, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [56], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”eCorrill, Brief History, 30–32.fSampson Avard, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [6], in State of Missouri, “Evidence”; Phelps, Reminiscences, 9; Lyman Wight, Journal, in History of the Reorganized Church, 2:298.gSampson Avard, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [2]–[23], in State of Missouri, “Evidence”; John B. Clark, Jefferson City, MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 29 Nov. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA; see also Nimer, “Sampson Avard,” 37–60.)Peck, Reed. Letter, Quincy, IL, to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839. Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA.
Phelps, Morris. Reminiscences, no date. CHL. MS 271.
The History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. 8 vols. Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1896–1976.
Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.
Nimer, Corwin L. “Sampson Avard: The First Danite.” Mormon Historical Studies 5, no. 2 (Fall 2004): 37–60.
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Cleminson was another member of Hinkle’s delegation. According to Peck, Cleminson opposed the expulsion of Cowdery and others from Far West in June 1838, as well as the church’s October 1838 military operations in Daviess County. Cleminson testified for the prosecution at the November 1838 hearing, stating that JS ordered Cleminson, who was the clerk for the Caldwell County Circuit Court, not to issue warrants in “vexatious” suits against church leaders. (R. Peck to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839, pp. 29, 37, 84, 108; John Cleminson, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [51], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”)
Peck, Reed. Letter, Quincy, IL, to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839. Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA.
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See 2 Peter 2:14.
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McLellin’s actions and stance toward the church were considered in a disciplinary council on 11 May 1838. Extant records do not indicate whether the apostle was excommunicated at that time, but during the meeting he relinquished his license and withdrew from the church. (See Historical Introduction to Declaration to the Clay County Circuit Court, ca. 6 Mar. 1839.)
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John and David Whitmer were excommunicated in March and April 1838. Both were expelled from Far West in June, along with Oliver Cowdery and Lyman Johnson. Heber C. Kimball claimed that the Whitmers accompanied Major General Lucas to Far West and helped identify church leaders, who were later charged with crimes. John Whitmer also testified against JS at the November 1838 hearing. (See Introduction to Part 1: 15 Feb.–28 June 1838; Minutes, 13 Apr. 1838; Kimball, “History,” 88; and John Whitmer, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [97]–[99], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”)
Kimball, Heber C. “History of Heber Chase Kimball by His Own Dictation,” ca. 1842–1856. Heber C. Kimball, Papers, 1837–1866. CHL. MS 627, box 2.
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Cowdery, previously an “assistant councilor” in the First Presidency, was excommunicated in April 1838 and expelled, along with other dissenters, from Far West in June. (See Minutes, 12 Apr. 1838; and Introduction to Part 1: 15 Feb.–28 June 1838.)
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Harris was the only dissenter named in the letter who was not in Missouri in 1838. He was still in Kirtland, Ohio, where he had been a member of the high council. In 1837 he joined with other dissenters who opposed church control over temporal affairs, and the Kirtland high council excommunicated him in December 1837. He was among the founders and financial backers of the “Church of Christ,” a short-lived organization created in 1838 and composed primarily of dissenters. (Stephen Burnett, Orange Township, OH, to Lyman Johnson, 15 Apr. 1838, in JS Letterbook 2, pp. 64–66; John Smith and Clarissa Lyman Smith, Kirtland, OH, to George A. Smith, Shinnston, VA, 1 Jan. 1838, George Albert Smith, Papers, CHL; Marquardt, “Martin Harris,” 10–15.)
Smith, George Albert. Papers, 1834–1877. CHL. MS 1322.
Marquardt, H. Michael. “Martin Harris: The Kirtland Years, 1831–1870.” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 35, no. 3 (Fall 2002): 1–41.
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Marsh, president of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, strongly supported JS during the 1837–1838 problems that resulted in the removal of the Missouri church presidency. Marsh subsequently became president pro tempore of the church in Missouri. His support may have wavered when other church leaders sided with Lucinda Pendleton Harris in a dispute with Marsh’s wife, Elizabeth Godkin Marsh. Although he opposed the June expulsion of the dissenters from Far West, he remained president of the Twelve and president pro tempore of the church in Missouri until late October, when he dictated an affidavit describing the Danite society and the Saints’ military operations against the Daviess County vigilantes. On 25 October, Marsh explained in a letter to his sister, Ann Marsh Abbott, and her husband, Lewis Abbott, his decision to leave the church “for conscience sake, and that alone,” and he alleged that JS and Sidney Rigdon were permitting theft, arson, and other crimes in Daviess County. (Letter from Thomas B. Marsh, 15 Feb. 1838; Cook, “Thomas B. Marsh Returns to the Church,” 394–396; R. Peck to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839, pp. 22–23; Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde, Affidavit, Richmond, MO, 24 Oct. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA; Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde, Richmond, MO, to Lewis Abbott and Ann Marsh Abbott, Caldwell Co., MO, 25–30 Oct. 1838, in JS Letterbook 2, p. 18; see also Esplin, “Emergence of Brigham Young,” 340–343.)
Cook, Lyndon W. “‘I Have Sinned Against Heaven, and Am Unworthy of Your Confidence, But I Cannot Live without a Reconciliation’: Thomas B. Marsh Returns to the Church.” BYU Studies 20 (Summer 1980): 389–400.
Peck, Reed. Letter, Quincy, IL, to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839. Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA.
Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.
Esplin, Ronald K. “The Emergence of Brigham Young and the Twelve to Mormon Leadership, 1830–1841.” PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1981. Also available as The Emergence of Brigham Young and the Twelve to Mormon Leadership, 1830–1841, Dissertations in Latter-day Saint History (Provo, UT: Joseph Fielding Smith Institute for Latter-day Saint History; BYU Studies, 2006).
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Hyde, a member of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, returned from his mission to England in mid-1838 and settled in Far West. He opposed the church’s military operations against the anti-Mormon vigilantes in Daviess County and filed an affidavit on 24 October that supported Marsh’s more detailed affidavit of the same date. Hyde subsequently wrote a letter to a friend in which he explained that he left the church “fully beleiving, that God is not with them, and is not the mover of their schemes and projects.” (Letter from Heber C. Kimball and Orson Hyde, between 22 and 28 May 1838; Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde, Affidavit, Richmond, MO, 24 Oct. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA; Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde, Richmond, MO, to Lewis Abbott and Ann Marsh Abbott, Caldwell Co., MO, 25–30 Oct. 1838, in JS Letterbook 2, p. 19; see also Esplin, “Emergence of Brigham Young,” 336.)
Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.
Esplin, Ronald K. “The Emergence of Brigham Young and the Twelve to Mormon Leadership, 1830–1841.” PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1981. Also available as The Emergence of Brigham Young and the Twelve to Mormon Leadership, 1830–1841, Dissertations in Latter-day Saint History (Provo, UT: Joseph Fielding Smith Institute for Latter-day Saint History; BYU Studies, 2006).
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See 2 Peter 2:20.
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Although JS ascribed these words to Jesus Christ, the phrase comes from 2 Peter 2:22, which in turn quotes Proverbs 26:11. (See also Book of Mormon, 1830 ed., 468 [3 Nephi 7:8].)
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See Hebrews 10:26–29.
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See Matthew 16:18–19; Revelation, ca. Aug. 1835 [D&C 27:13]; and Revelation, 26 Apr. 1838 [D&C 115:19].
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In Mulholland’s copy, this phrase is followed by “Fear not, but.” (JS, Liberty, MO, to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838, in “General,” Record Book, 107.)
“General,” Record Book, 1838. Verso of Patriarchal Blessings, vol. 5. CHL.
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See Revelation, 1 Mar. 1832 [D&C 78:12]; and Revelation, 23 Apr. 1834 [D&C 104:9–10].
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See 1 Corinthians 3:13.
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See Philippians 1:28.
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See Mark 8:35.
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JS was perhaps alluding to the rota fortunae, or wheel of fortune, a concept that is rooted in ancient philosophy and that entered Anglo-American culture through Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, Shakespeare’s plays, and other sources. Such texts reference the idea that an individual’s prospects can rise and fall according to the dictates of fate and providence. (Robinson, “Wheel of Fortune,” 207–216; Chapman, “Wheel of Fortune in Shakespeare’s Historical Plays,” 1–7.)
Robinson, David M. “The Wheel of Fortune.” Classical Philology 41, no. 4 (Oct. 1946): 207–216.
Chapman, Raymond. “The Wheel of Fortune in Shakespeare’s Historical Plays.” Review of English Studies 1, no. 1 (Jan. 1950): 1–7.
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See Matthew 7:2; and Mark 4:24; compare Book of Mormon, 1830 ed., 483 [3 Nephi 14:2].
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See Romans 15:33.
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See 1 Corinthians 10:13.
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See Psalm 71:13.
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See Acts 20:32.
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See 2 Timothy 3:15.