Sidney Rigdon, JS, et al., Petition Draft (“To the Publick”), circa 1838–1839
, JS, et al., Petition Draft (“To the Publick”), ca. Sept. 1838–ca. Oct. 1839; handwriting of , , , , and two unidentified scribes; 112 inscribed pages with eight inserted slips of paper; JS Collection, CHL.
While incarcerated at , Missouri, in March 1839, JS addressed a letter to the church “at Illinois and scattered abroad and to in particular,” instructing the Saints to gather up “a knoledge of all the facts and sufferings and abuses put upon them by the people of this state.” (JS et al., Liberty, MO, to the church members and Edward Partridge, Quincy, IL, 20 Mar. 1839, in Revelations Collection, CHL [D&C 123:1, 6].) Edward Partridge responded with an account that became the three opening installments of “A History, of the Persecution, of the Church of Jesus Christ, of Latter Day Saints in Missouri,” an eleven-part series published in the church’s newspaper, Times and Seasons, between December 1839 and October 1840. “A History, of the Persecution” receives comprehensive treatment in volume 2 of the Histories series of The Joseph Smith Papers and is available on this website.may have intended to tell the entire story himself, but he fell ill shortly after publication of “A History, of the Persecution” began and died on 27 May 1840. Prompted by Partridge’s illness and subsequent death, the editors of the Times and Seasons, and , sought elsewhere for source materials to continue the series. It is probable that they composed the fourth installment to provide a brief transition from Partridge’s account, which ends in 1836, and the conflicts in and adjoining counties beginning in 1838. The fifth and seventh installments reprinted passages from ’s History of the Late Persecution Inflicted by the State of Missouri upon the Mormons (Detroit: Dawson and Bates, 1839). In May 1840, the sixth installment drew upon ’s eighty-four page pamphlet, An Appeal to the American People: Being an Account of the Persecutions of the Church of Latter Day Saints; and the Barbarities Inflicted on Them by the Inhabitants of the State of Missouri (Cincinnati: Glezan and Shepard, 1840), a draft of which is presented here. Though no author is named on the title page of the pamphlet, Rigdon was acknowledged as responsible for that publication when it was advertised in the Times and Seasons in 1840 and 1841. Also, much of this draft is in Rigdon’s hand. More of Rigdon’s work was reprinted in the eighth through tenth installments published from July to September 1840. The series concluded with an eleventh installment in the October 1840 issue, featuring General ’s callous speech to the Saints after their surrender at , Missouri, in November 1838.The manuscript version of ’s Appeal to the American People presented here is referred to as the “petition draft” titled “To the Publick”. On 1 November 1839, Rigdon’s recently completed petition draft, endorsed by JS, Rigdon, and , was read to a conference of Saints in , Illinois, who then voted to approve its publication in the name of the church. and then collaborated to arrange for publication of the text in late 1839 and early 1840. (Crawley, Descriptive Bibliography, 103–104.)Although many of the events reported in ’s draft and pamphlet can be corroborated from other sources, his chronology is often inaccurate. (Consult the annotation in Histories, Volume 2 for corrections to portions published as part of “A History, of the Persecutions.”) However, his account contains the text of several significant documents. Among these are JS’s 5 September 1838 affidavit concerning his 7 August 1838 visit to and those of and and regarding the massacre. Consequently, though in many respects Rigdon’s document is more advocacy than history, it offers access to some material not readily found elsewhere.
To the publick
In presenting the following narative to the Amarican people it was the intention of the of the authur to present facts and only facts. He does not pretend to be personally aiquainted <with>, all the things written in the following account nor with but few of them only with <except> those which took place between <from> the 4th of April 1838 but he has doccuments on hands from those who were eye witnesses to the whole scene from the commencement in untill the close.
From these doccuments the greater part of which has been attested under <oath> and the remainder will be as soon as the writers are called on for it, so that the publick may rely on its truth. It is only an abridgement extract from the those doccuments and a limitted one too if all the account had but details in full it would have made this a large volume.
A The authur was induced to undertake this <work> on account of the many inquries which were making and [p. [0[a]]] and the many fals reports which had been put in circulation about our persecutions in . It is now presented to the pu
It is now presented to the publick claiming no merit but truth. but should it disabuse the publick mind and give it a fair understanding of the matters and things therein contained. and gratefy the inquirer the authur will have obtained his object.
The work is therefore submitted to the publick by their humble servent
The [p. [0[b]]]
“The Latter day saints” commenced their settlements in , in the August of 1831. The first settlement was made in on the west line of the , not far from the missionary station of the Revd , Baptist missionary among the Indians at the time was very thinly settled, the greater part of it the settlers were, what is called in the western country, “squatters,” that is, persons who settle on the publick lands without purchasing them. Some considerable part of had not come into market. On these lands considerable settlements had been made, cabbins ha[d] built, and some land cleared.
When “the latter day saints” began to emigrate into the country, there was a good deal of uneasiness manifested by a certain portion of the settlers, at first, principally, by those who had settled on the publick lands lest the new settlers should be disposed to purchase at the land sall sales, which were expected to take place that season, the lands on which they had made improvements, or enter such lands as might be subject to entry, that they had taken possession of. But this uneasiness gradually lessened, till it finally died away. The sales came on, purchases were made by every man as suited them him, and no difficulty occured; every man went to building on and improving his land, as seemed good to himself.
Shortly after the first settlement was made, a considerable tide of emigration set in, which continued to increase untill the summer of 1833; by this time, the emigration of <the> saints was far greater than that of all others. This began to create great uneasiness, murmerings were and complainings were heard, continually, about it, and about the rapid improvements which were making in the . From murmering, they went to holding publick meetings to take measures to prevent the evil to put a stop to the emigration, and not only put a stop to the emigration, but driv drive those out of the , who were settled there. [p. 1[a]]
These meetings were publick things, called and held in the face of the goverment, published in the publick papers. At these meeting, they publickly, declared that they would put the laws of the country at defiance, in order to accomplish their object, as well as justice and humanity, which finally they did.
In order to justify themselves in violating the laws of both God and man, the laws of both the state of and the , they had recorc recorse recourse to fabricating and circulating the foolishest and senseless lies, that mortals could invent, thinking, by that means, to justify them<selves> before the publick. Such as the saints were building building strong fertifications bringing canon and other military implements into the country; that wagons loaded with coffins were coming in great numbers, and that these coffins were full of amunitions and military stores. That the saints were Coniving us with the Indians, and stiring up the negroes to rebel against their masters, with a multitude of like minded things of a similar character; Which all tend to establish the ignorance and corruption of their authors. To such low and mean subterfuges we were the principle men of driven and vicinity driven, to accomplish an object at which humanity to the latest ages must recoil. We shall give the names of the principle acters in this scene of abomination, that the Amarican people may hereafter know them.
After having, as they supposed made a sufficient preperation to accomplish their object, and fabricated and circulated, through the medium of their papers public papers, a necessary quantity of lies to blind the publick mind,— for they verily supposed all the Amarican people were so distitute of truth of and humanity as themselves— they comenced their opperations.
These scenes transpired between the first of July and the middle of November 1833— [p. [1[b]]]
These things tra[n]spired, between the first of July and the middle of November 1833.
The mob made their attack, by tearing down houses and distroying property. A was torn down, the press broken, the type scattered through the streets; all the book work, papers, and other materials that were in the office were distroyed; in all amounting to several thousand dollars. A store was broken open, the goods thrown into the street and trampled under foot, * A prosecution was entered the against one of the men, who was taken in the very act of taking the goods and trampling them underfoot. The writ was obtained at the office of a man by the name of , who was a justice of the peace, or called so. When the man was brought for trial, though it was proven that he was taken in the very act of distroying the goods, he was acquitted, and no cause of action was found; but shortly afterwards, there was a writ issued from the same office, against those who prosecuted the said , for distroying the goods, and they were for fals imprisonment, and they were holden to bail for their appearance at the county court, and for want of bail, they were thrown into jail. This is a correct sample of the way the laws were administered in .
Before this banditta commenced the distruction of property, they appointed committees to go and wait on the saints, and order them out of the under pain of death. The object of those warnings were <was,> to make them go and leave all their property as prey to the mob. At which all the authorities of , from the down, winked, as will appear hereafter. While those committies were threatning the saints with death, if they did not leave the forthwith, and leave all their property as a prey to them, they kept the publick papers teaming with lies, and they found <many in the country> a large majority of all the religeous papers in the country, and a great number of the political ones, ready to aid them in their abomination, by giving f ready circulations to their lies and slanders. This I I must say, to the shame [p. 2[a]]
* Mr , one of the Bishops of the church, was taken from his house, with another man, a into the publick square, and then the mob attempted to strip him naked; to this he objected, and finally they agreed to let him keep on his shirt and pantaloones, and they tarred and feathered him and the other man, whose name was . , a lawyer, was the leader in this business; and, on that accasion, boasted that his word was the law of the , and that th[e] saints should leave it, or be put to death. So much for a would be honorable lawyer.
and disgrace of the editors, who have devoted their papers to so foul a business. The scheme of lying so readily supported by the religeious papers of the country, generally, was invented for the purpose of plundering, robbing, stealing, and driving a people from their homes, and taking their property, as <a> prey, to the free booters who were ready to seize upon, <it> when the religeious <publick> papers of the country, had sufficeintly aided them, to a enable them to obtain their object, without being punished fer it. In this scheme of lying, no pen figured more than that of the Revd , the before mentioned baptist missionary, who has proved himself to be the abettor of thi[e]ves, robbers, and plunderers. Also the Revd E. G. Lovejoy was an assistant in this foul <vile> business; but he has received his reward, a mob has since sent him to his grave. A just punishment for his having aided a mob, to murder and plunder others; but still, the mob is now the less guilty for this that.
After the mob had gotten all things sufficiently prepared, and the publick mind, as they supposed, completely blinded, having been so well assisted by the publick prints of the day, they commenced their opperations in earnest, in every part of the . Tering down houses, houses drging men out of there houses and whipping men were dra[g]ged out, and whipped in the most shocking manner, without regard to age: of this number were four revolutionary soldiers, over the age of seventy years, who had offered there lives for the liberty that their oppressors were enjoying; but they now, with sorrow, beheld the liberty for which they faught, torn from from them, by the violence of those who were enjoying freedom, at the expence of their blood and treasure. Widows also from sixty to eighty years of age, whose husband were among the number of the revolutionary patriots, were driven violently from there houses, in that inclement season, by this ruthless banditta of wretches, worse than savages, and their properity made common plunder, to gratafy their rapacity: and those females at that advanced age and in an inclement season [p. [2[b]]] rapacity, and those females at that advanced a age, and at an inclement season of the year, had to wander in the open prairie, to seek a covert under the rocks, without a house to shelter, or a blanket to cover them. And all this, because they dared to differ from these their oppessors in matters of religion, and for no other cause. The was full of armed men, running a riding in large companies, from house to house, in every place where the saints were settled, abusing, driving, and whipping in a most unmercifull manner, and insulting women brutally. After much abuse and distruction of property, and finding that there was to be no end to these outrages, the saints, at last, had recourse to arms; but it was not, till after they had petitioned the and authorities of the state for aid for <and> protection. was governor, and Lieutenant Governor, the latter lived in , the seat of the mob and county seat of . But no aid nor protection could be had, though the was under solemn oath to render protection when called but <for,> but this good governor would rather perjure himself than put down a mob so excellent are the governors of .
Having saught protection, of the authorities and of the , and obtaining none, the saints at last, had recourse to arms. * A number of them, under the command of of , marched to there <a> great multitudes of the mob was <were> collect[ed], <for the purpose of driving <giving> them battle.> hearing of their intention, to give battle to the mob, organized the mob, and called them <the> malitia, under the command of the . On the arival of , he was commanded to surrender his arms and those who were with him. This order was given by the Said [p. 3[a]]
* after the<y> saints took up arms in their own defense, several battles were fought, in which one of the saints was killed, and a number wounded. Two of the mob was <were> killed, and several wounded. At last
. This they refused to do, untill he gave the strongest assurences to and company, that if they would, they should be protected, and return home in peace, and none should disturb them. After these assurences were given, they gave up their arms. But now reader for the sequel.
Did these high minded, and honorable men, comply with their covenent? no indeed, but some thing very different. they seized on the guns and other arms as a prey <and kept them as plunder till this day,> and having the saints disarmed, they carried ther violence to all kind of shamefull lengths. Men, women, and children, were driven from ther houses in the night, barefooted and nearly naked. This was about the middle of November. The men were whipped and abused beyond all discription. A man by the name of Benjamin Putnam was whipped to death, his body was taken up a day or two afterwards and buried. Others were whipped, untill they had to tie hankercheifs round them to kemp [keep?] their bowels from falling out. A man, by the name of Lenard [Lyman Leonard], was knocked down in his house with a chair, and was beat on the head with a char and other parts of the body, untill the blood was run[n]ing from him on the floor. His wife fearing, lest they should kill him, ran and through [threw] herself on them him, begging for his life; but the brutal monsters, instead of regarding her tears and suplications, beat her, with the same weapon with which they were beating her husband. And they barely escaped with their lives.
The women fled in all directions into the prairies, or woods, and a greater part barefooted, and with but little clothing, being driven out in the night; many of them torn from their beds. In a short time, you could track them by the blood which ran from their feet. Wives were weeping and wailing not knowing but their husbands were dead murdered. Their children with their lacarated laserated and bleeding feet, were mourning and crying, as asking for food, but could get none. In this deplorable situation <condition>, they had to travel and [p. [3[b]]] sleep in the prairies or under the rocks, in the month of November, without food or covering; and there wait and <ask> see what a kind providence might do for them. while their robbers and plunderers, were glutting themselves upon the food they had left in their houses, and gratifying their brutality by throwing it to the beast, and carrying it home home for their own use and that of their families families, and by distroying their household stuff, or rather stealing it, while the little ones whose fathers had laid layed it up carefully for their sustenance, were bewailing their condition in the open prairie without a morsel to comfort them, or a blanket to cover them.
However incredible it may appear to a civilized people, it is a fact, that there were at one time one hundred and ninety women and children, crossed a prairie of nine miles, aided by three men only; the rest having been driven away by the violence of the mob. The saints being unarmed, and the mob armed, they fell an easy prey to them
The women and children were without food or nearly so. After crossing the prairie they traveled a number of miles, in all probably about from twelve twelve miles to fifteen, miles and there stopped and waited, till their husbands and fathers found where they were and got to them them. They there built houses to winter in, but before they had continued long, the mob found and where they were, and went and drove them away, and burned their houses.
A company consisting of about two hundred, nearly all of them women and children, The got to the late in the afternoon, and could not get across that night. It commenced raining and freezing most violintly, in this deplorable condition, some of them took shelter shelter under some rocks, and the remainder of them, both small and great, had to lie out in the open prairie prairie, with nothing but the heavens to cover them, while the storm beat upon them [p. 4[a]] them with great fury. Among the number was a Mrs Higbee, the wife of a John S Higbee, from , who was very sick with fever, and also had an infant at the breast. She was under the necessity of sleeping <spending> this night of storm exposed to all its violence, having nothing but the earth to sleep on. After spending the night in this distressed condition, early in the morning another Mrs [Keziah String] Higbee the wife of who was delivered of a babe without any bed but the earth, or covering but the heavens. of the number
There were many, sick out of the number who were thus inhumanly driven from <their houses> home and had to endure all this abuse and suffering, and seek homes where it could be fo[u]nd for them. The result was that a number being deprived of the comforts of life and the necessa[r]y attendance, died; many children were left orphans, wives widows, and husbands widowers.
The mob, after thus abusing the people, the hundredth part of which is not told here, took possession of the farms of those whom they had thus drven from their homes, and all their cattle, horses, hogs, sheep, &c which amounted to many thousands; together with all their household stuff of every kind, amounting to many thousand dollars worth, and <have> forbid under pain of death, any of the saints ret saintes <them> returning to get any of their property, and if any <any> of <them> did attempt it, if discovered, they were whipped and other wise abused, and one or two who attempted it, were nearly killed. They did come <escaped> for with their lives and no more. What shews the the brutallity of that people, as much as any other thing is that the wives of these barbarians laughed, at and rjoiced, when they heard of their husbands attempting to violate the chastity of the females, and other wise in insulted them insult them.
There were, in addition, to flock and herds, which the mob took from the saints, a large field fields of corn, to the amount of many hundred acres, I might say thousands, all ready to harvest, which they took as their own. There were also many hundred acres of wheat, which had been sown, that they also took possession of, and keep them all till this day.
After they had plundered the houses robbed the henroost and carried off all the goods, they [p. [4[b]]] After they had robbed<plundered> the houses, robbed the henroosts, and carried <off> every thing which was valuable, they burned the houses, amounting in all to upwards of two hundred, and then commenced a general distruction of the timber on the land. Some tracts, that were well timbered, was <were> soon stripped of every tree. Such of the farms as they did not occupy, they took all the railes off of <from> them, and used them for their own purposes. There were a number <several> of thousands acres of land thus seazed on which improvements were made to a considerable extent, and the owners utterly forbid to enjoy them, and the<y> owners have been compelled to sell them, for no valuable consideration, and this banditta of ruffians, <usurpers>, are those now enjoying them.
While these brutalities were going on, the publick papers were constantly imployed in giving publicity to the foulest lies that could be made <created,> and in this foul business, the religious papers generally in the country was <were> imployed, and dilligently engaged. It was no uncommon thing to hear a <the> peachers and other of the different denominations, using all their influence to justify these barbarities or at best, to conceel the real facts from those over whom he could have influence over the view of the world.
While this mob was e[n]gaged in their cours[e] of plunder— for is was altogether a plundering and robbing business, there were outrages of the most extraordinary business character committed by them to ever committed by human beings The plans they laid in order to plunder were of the most extraordinary kind. They swear <serve> of out some a w[r]its against <on> those whom the[y] wanted to plunder [p. 5[a]] and have them thrown into jail, and then taken and rob them, of every thing they had about <them,> watches, money, or other valuables, and bear it <them> off as plunder. In this foul business were imployed some of the leading, (some did we <say>) better say all, the leading men of the .
Men were caught and tied to trees, and then shot at: but the heart seckents [sickens] to tell all the abominations of this band of barbarians, for who but barbarians, could be guilty of such brutality. <deeds of cruelty > We wish it to be, distinctly, understood, that the and all the authorities of the , were acquainted with all these cruelties, and no effort was made to bring the offenders to justice, nor to have the property thus taken returned to the owners. The guns that they ordered to. be given up by the authority of the , they keep till this day. In this the goverment of the , has identified itself in <the> number of the plunderers, and become one with the villians. No wonder then, that the when called upon, put at defiance his oath of office, and did not give the aid required
The following are some of the persons e[n]gaged in this robbery
Richard Fristo[e] county judge, , judge, and genl. of the militia, and member of the presbiterian church, , also, Genl. of the militia, Thomas Willson [Wilson], Samuel S. Hale, Esq., Jones Flournay [Flournoy], John Smith, — Hensley Esq., , a Lawyer, , Lawyer, Samuel C Owens, Lawyer, Rickmon Childs, Lawyer, Lewis Franklin, , Lieutenant governor, Revds , Baptist missionary, and his son in law Likins [Johnston Lykins?],— Kavenaugh Presbeterians [p. [5[b]]] — Govelady Campbellite, — Johnson Methodist, all these reverend devines, were among this band of plunderers.
Many others were in the number, whose names will be forth coming at another time; we mention these, because they wished to be called gentlemen, and men of humanity and piety; but we leave the publick, to form their own judgement.
Thus, desolated and robbend, the saints were left to seek homes where they could be found, while their enemies and robbers, were pouring a flood of abuse after <them>, for the purpose of justifying themselves, and hiding ther iniquity from the gaze of that part of the publick, who abhor mobacracy. The greater majority of them, saught homes in , where they found rest, for a little season, and a little season only. Very shortly after their arival in , they move into p began to purchase lands, make improvements, build mills and carry other machinery, and in a very short time, were begining to enjoy the comforts of life. The emigration continued without any particular, attention <interruption>, till they began to <to be> numerous in the and surounding counties. This order of things continued till 1836, three years; there was no violence offered, but there was <were> threatnings of violence, But in the summer of 1836, these threatnings began to assume a more serious form; from threatnings, publick meetings were called, resolutions passed, and f affairs assumed a fearfull attitude. They began to arm themsel[ve]s, and prepare for violence, threatning vengence and distruction, to <on> all who did not leave the forthwith. had been so successfull, and seeing the authorities would not interfere, they boasted that they would not do it in [p. 6[a]] this instance, and they could drive the saints as they pleased, and take there property, for they could get no law in . They did not
They did not only say that <they> would dive from <drive> them from the , but from the also; and it was seriously talked of in , that the saints must leave the ; and they carried <it> so far, as to publish their intentions in the papers.
While these war like preperations were making by the mob, the saints also began to make preperations for defenc. But it was now, as before, they did not do <it,> untill they <had> petitioned the for protection; when instead of receiving the protection saught for, they received for answer, “Vox populi Vox Dei”. “The voice of the people, is the voce of God.”
As much as to say: “If the people say you must go, you must go.” The before mentioned was still governor, and of the same mobocratic spirit, as regardless of his oath as before. The saints finding that they had nothing to expect from the authorities, but a full sanction to the acts of the mob, had no alternative left but but have recourse to arms.
Both parties began to assume rather a formadable attitude, so much so, that gave alarm to some of the other citizens, who did not join with the mob; they interfered, and tryed tryed to stop, as they said, the effusion of blood. During this time there were <was> a body of armed men, from sixty to a hundred, who in the face of the authorities of the country and all civil law, was ranging <the> , stopping mob[b]ers, driving then back, whipping and abusing the saints wherever they could be caught, <and> threatning the chastity of females, and their wives rejoicing at their doings [p. [6[b]]] [a]nd their wives rejoicing at there abuses, of the females. the circuit Judge was an eye witness to these base transactions, and under the solemnities of an oath to put a stop to them, so were all the civil authorities of the country, yet, every man of them, regardless of their oaths, either took an active part in aiding this banditta banditta of ruffians <band>, or else winked at their doings. The opperations of this mob, took place <was> from the first of May, till the last of August 1836. From three to four months. They did a great deal of mischief were the <was> were <the> cause of many deaths; many persons were beaten most inhumanly, much property was also distroyed. Families that were moving into the country, were stopped; many of them driven back, and comp[e]lled to live in their wagons, untill houses could be obtained; and when obtained, they were in sickly places; the consequence was that many, not only sickened, but died.
In , it was the same as in , the authorities refused to interfere, and let the mob range uncontroled, and Commit all the outrages they pleased, and so far from any punishment they were honored, and cherised for it, and that, by the , the judges and justices of the peace; many of whom, were leaders in it. An attempt was made to p[r]osecute two men; one <was> by the name of Hayden, [p. 7[a]] the other one by the name of Oldham, who met a young man on the road, by the name of Charles Hubbard, and beat him in a most cruel manner. An aged man by the name of Lewis Scott, seeing the abuse, entered a posecution against them; but when the fellows were brought for trial, the court acquitted them, on the ground that there were only two persons engaged in it. They fact of the abuse, was never denyed; but , yes reader, the worthy , decided that there was no cause of action; because there were not more than two persons engaged in it. So much for this righteous judge. I give this as a sample of the manner in which the laws were executed in , under the jurisdiction of the , and his faithfull satellite, and attorney, Thomas C Birch [Burch], who has since and for this, and like acts of legallity, been appointed a judge of the <a> circuit court
The matter being fairly put to the test, that the civil authorities of were destitue of principle, of a sence of honor, of regard for their oaths, and of respect for their laws, the saints had to submit to their fate; while they were whipped, and again, driven from their homes.
The mediating party which had risen up, appointed a committee to corespond with a committee of the saints, in order to find a location for them, the saints to settle in. Some short time previous to this time a number of them, had made considerable purchases of land, on a stream called . [p. [7[b]]] It was in the territory of . The two Committees started tohunt ou seek out a place for their removal; when they came to the track tract of land which had been purchased, it was agreed that, this that should be the place of settlement. So the settlement commenced, immediately. This was in the August of 1836.
By this removal, the saints <lost> nearly all they had obtained in the previous three years, which they had resided in , besides much abuse at the hand of the wretches who had risen up in arms against <them>. At the succeeding cesion <sesion> of the session of the legislature there was a new county laid off, embraing embracing the before mentioned tract of land, called “;” a town was soon laid off and incorporated, called “;” and in one year, there were one hundred and fifty houses built <in> it, besides nearly the whole was entered, or at lest <least> that part of it, which could be cultivated, as there was a great scareeity <scarcity> of timber in the .
In all these operations, there was no pretention to law, they openly declared that they put the law at defiance, saying “we are the law, and what we say, is the constitution.”
The saints being once more settled; they commenced improving the country, which was so great a contrast, to the general idleness and lazy habits of the Missourians, that the contrast was so great that every mortal <which any person> with the least discernment could not but see it. This soon began [p. 8[a]] to excite the jelousies of the surrounding counties,—for nothing can so much excite, the jelousies of that people, so much nor awaken there indignation so much, as to have an inteligent, an industiou industrious, and enterprising people, am settle any where in the state where they live— Threatnings were again heard from , , Clinton, Platt, and counties, that they were agoing to raise another mob, and come and drive the citizens out of .
The emigration was so rapid, and so great, that in the space of eighteen months after the first settlement in , that there was not room for the people in that , and they were under the necessity of seeking habitations some where else, and a number went into , which was north of . Soon after the settlements began in , a mob made its apperance, forbiding them to settle there under pain of death. However, this was not reguarded, and the settlements, which were made in different parts of the <,> were increasing daily, untill one or two whole townships were entered, besides large bodies of land, entered in other parts of the . In such parts of the as was in market; besides a large number of improvements weere bought, under the expectation of getting preemption rights. The mob spirit which first made its appearence in , for a season seemed to sleep, and there was no hinderence offered to the settlements, which were increasing very fast. All parties remained quiet, many of those who had been engaged in the first mob came in , came forward, and and made confess[ion] of their rongs <wrongs> and all <all> as far as was concerned was peace; But , , Clinton, and Platt, kept up a continual threatning, untill [p. [8[b]]] until it could not be born any any longer, and the saints openly declared, that it should cease; for they would suffer it no longer. No person should come into the streets of “[”] as they had been accustomed to do, and there threaten the peeple with mobs. This had the desired effect, it ceased, and no persons ventured to so do so any more. But the before mentioned counties, keep kept up a continual threatning, at home, whenever they saw any of the people of .
This order of things, countinued without any violence untill the election, which took place in <the> August follo this was 1838. The saints had been in , from the August of ’36, making two years. Threatnings were making that they should not vote at the election. Not only was it threatned that they should not vote in , but there were insinuations thrown out that there would be a mob in to prevent the people there from voting. There were no great fears however entertained, that any attempt of the kind would be made. The election at last came on, and the saints an went to discharge, what they considered, not only a high duty but priveledge, but a duty also. One of the candidates for representative in , was by the name of , [p. 9[a]] a very ignorant ambitious creature; who was determined to carry his election, if possable, and that at all hazzards, whether the people were willing to elect him or not. Those who were not willing to vote for him, he determined by the force of mob law, to prevent from voting.
It may not however be amiss here to give an account of this said ’s maneouvres during the elect[i]oneering campaign. He was at the time the Colonel of the militia in , and had been the leader in the first mob which had been raised to prevent the saints from making settlements in in the first instance, of which previous mention has been made. When the electioneering campaign had fairly commenced, great exertions were made by the different candidates, and their friends, to obtain the votes of the saints; each man in his turn making his application. , like the rest, made application also. A , who was a man of influence among the saints, was the man to who<m> said made overtures. , knowing that had always been an enemy to the saints, took the liberty to ask , about his former hostilities and his previous attempt to drive the saints <them> from ther homes; as well as many abusive things which he had said. declared that he never had any intention of driving them from ther homes; he only tried to scare them, and if he could not, he intended to let them alone. And as to the many abusive things which he had said, he said “they were very wrong; he had been deceived by fals reports, without being acquainted with the people; and, since he had become a acquainted with them, he found that they were firs[t] rate citizens.” And by many such sayings, did he attempt to gain votes: but the saints all the time knowing that he was a corrupt man, and every way disqallified for the office, after which he was strugling, would not be inducced to vote for him at all. This he fully understood, before the election, and made [p. [9[b]]] his arangements accordingly, having his banditta of ruffians <sattelites> the at the election. to aid him. in executing his purpose, in preventing the saints from voting. In the early part of the day, at the electioon, made a speech, the object of which was to so excite the indignation of the people, to such a degree, That he could get a sufficiency <sufficient> <number> to join the mob, so as to keep the saints from voting if they attempted it. In this speech he used the most abusive language that he was master of, denouncing the saints as in round terms, in a most ridiculous manner. Having his banditta <party> ready: at the end of the speeck, they began to throw out their threats, that none of the d—d—m G—d— d—d Mormons, to use their own language, should vote. These threatnings began to assume a very serious tone very soon. One kept exciting another, and drinking very freely till a man by the name of Richard Weldon, commonly called Dick Weldon, attackted a man by the name of , who was least <least> just able to <be> about after a very dangerous fit of sickness. He began to insult , in a most insolent manner, very mildly told him, that he did not wish to have any difficulty with him, or any any other person, the other swore that the mormons were no more fit vote, than the d—nd negroe niggers, and that he would knock him down, and made an attempt to strike him; a man by the name of Perry Durfee, being near them, caught Weldon hard, and and kept him from striking . This was no sooner done, than Durfee was knocked [p. 10[a]] down, and a number of men commenced beating him, with clubs, boards, and any thing they could get. Durfee cryed for help, several men ran in<to> the midst of the crowd to get Durfee out of there hands; for the cry was kill him kill him d—m d—n <him>. The names of those, who rushed into the midst of the crowd, were Jackson Steward, , Hervey Omsted [Harvey Olmsted], Abram Nelson, and one other man by the name of Nelson. The[y] succeeded in saving the life of Durfee, but not untill they had knocked down some twelve or fifteen men. A large number of from twelve to twenty, rushed on to Steward, crying kill him, God G—d d—n him kill <him> they had dirks, and clubs, and other weapons, one of them dirked him under the shoulder blade; he called aloud for assistance, as he fled from them. and they were on the very eve of stabbiing him. A man named , seized a billet of wood, and ran furiously upon them, knocking down all he came to, untill the rest fled before <him>; and he rescued Steward out of there hands, having with his own hands whipped, some twenty men.
The total number of the saints in this affray, did not exceed ten, that of the mob from fifty to a hundred.
The mob then dispatched a number of their gang to get guns and amunition, swearing that they would kill <all> the saints they cou[l]d find, and <or> d[r]ive them out of , sparing, neither men, women, nor children. The saints left the ground and went home. A few Few or no if any of them having voted. This said was the Whig candidate. The Dick Weldon was a democrat * [p. [10[b]]]
* Having in possession several affidavits concerning the election of <in> , we here insert them
|State of )||ss|
|County of )|
Before me one of the Justices of the Court, within and for the County of <aforesaid,>, personally appeared , who being duly sworn, deposeth and saith. “That on the 6th. day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty eight, in the town of , in the County of Davi[es]s, and State aforesaid that at the Election, in the town aforesaid, one did make a Speech, at said Election, in the which he represented the heads of the Mormon Church <of Latter day Saints> as being Liars, Counterfeiters, and Scoundrels; and that the Members of said Church, were dupes, and not too good to take a false oath, on any common occasion; & that they the Mormons would steal their property, and that their property he did not consider safe, and that he was opposed to the<m> Mormons <their> settling there, and ever would be. And sundry other things which were calculated to inflame the minds of those present, which from which time, their appeard to be much exitement against the Mormons <saints>, and some hard sayings. One Richard Weldon said that the Mormons <saints> were not allowed to vote, in , and <neither in> no more than the dam’ed negroes, And that said Weldon made <as> <an> attempt to strike said deponent, <who is a Mormon so called> and who stepe’d out of the way; in his second attempt to strike, one <Mr> Durphy [Perry Durfee] <a Mormon> steped in and prevented him, by taking hold of holding his hold <his> arm and immediately, about 5 or 6 <of those exited against the mormons> commenced holding and beating said Durphy, with clubs, & boards, saying kill him kill him God damn him kill him. this was the beginning of the fight, immediately after which, the fight commenced on both sides, with and without clubs. One of the Mormons, so called, by the name of Steward, receiv’d a cut with a dirk or knife. and further, said deponent says, there was no as he considered, no insult offered to said Weldon before he attempted to strike, [p. 11[a]]
and that the conversation <immediately> previous to his attempting to strike, was that deponent said to Weldon, that <we> the Mormons would give no man an insult, and <we will> use every” man well, and were <are> determined to be used well. And further this deponent saith not.
Sworn and subscribed to this fifth day of September AD 1838.
one of the Justices of the Court
State of )
County of )
Before me one of the Justices of the Court, within and for the aforesaid, personally appeard , and James Nelson, who being duly sworn according to Law, deposeth and saith, “That the aforesaid deposition of , relative to the aforesaid transaction of the Affray in , on the day of Election, with all the circumstances and conversation mentioned therein, are substantially true to the best of our knowlege: and that we said deponents were standing within 3 or 4 feet of said , when said conversation took place, and said afray began, and further the deponents saith not”
Sworn to and Subscribed this 5th. day of September AD 1838.
J.C.C.C.C [p. [11[b]]]
|State of )||ss|
|County of )|
Before me one of the Justices of the Court, within and for the aforesaid, Personally appear’d , Abraham Nelson, Edmond [Edmund] Nelson, and John Daily <William W. Patten> who being <duly> sworn according to Law, deposeth and saith, “That the aforesaid statements made by , in his deposition, of the late afray in on the day of Election concerni[n]g the speech of , and the beginning of the said affray, are substantially true to the best of of our knowledge.
William W Patten
Sworn to and Subscribed this 5th. day of September AD 1838
J.C.C.C.C. [p. [11[c]]]
<After the election> threatnings were made, in the most daring manner, declaring that the saints should leave the , that they would raise a mob and d[r]ive them out, and take all their lands and other property as spoil. Indeed, this was the secret which was working in their hearts all the time, and what they were determined to do. It was the property of the saints, that they wanted, and what they were determined to have. They boasted that the authorities of the would not interfere, to assist the Mormons, as they called them. They said it had been fairly proven, in the case of both , and Counties. The goverment when called on would would not assist them, and they said they might as well drive them off, and take their property as not, for they could not help themselves. With such language, did they provoke one another to acts of violence.
It will be seen by the <above> affidavits, that had prohibited the saints from voting, when they resided there. And this circumstances, tended to incourage others, in their wickedness. All these things were done in face of the authorities, and it will be seen, how far they regarded their oaths of office.
, the candidate for senator senator, and who was elected, came to “,” either the evening before the election commenced, or the <first> morning of the election. He staid that day, and untill the next morning. Early the second morning of the election, [p. 12[a]] he said, that a gentleman who lived in , had left late the preceeding evening, was the place where the county seat of , and the place where the election was held, and that there had been a serious affray at the election in . That the mob had tryed to stopt the saints from voting, and in order to accomplish their object, had killed two of them, and their bodies were laying on the ground, and they would not let their friends have them for burial. And that one other man had fled into the woods, badly wounded, supposed to be ded dead, as he had not been heard of, after he had disappeared among the bushes.
This created a great feeling in “Far and considerable <of course much> excitement. A man phycisian who resided in “” by the name of called for volunteers declaring declaring that he would have <bodies of the bodies of> those persons bodies who had been killed and bury them and have the man that was lost or die in the attempt.
The report coming from , a resident of the , and the successfull candidate for the senate, no doubt was intertained of its truth. A company was raised consisting if, If recollect right, of about seventeen persons, who left “” with <for> the express object of getting the bodies of the dead. an Through the course of the day, there was <were> probably to the amo[unt?] number of fifty persons, all going to inquire after their friends, for it was unknown to the peeple of , who of their friends were killed, for no doubt was entertained, but some of them were dead.
When the company arrived there, they found the report not as true, there was had been a great difficulty, but no lives lost that was known of; But there was nothing heard but threatning, men were passing through the village, which had been laid laid off by the saints, threatning them, that in [p. [12[b]]] three days they should all be driven out, and their property taken as spoil. It was reported, and that by themselves too, that there was a large mob gathering at Millport, a small village in , and that , formerly a justice of the peace, and had at the election been elected one of the judges, was at the head of it. It was thought best, seeing he was a piece officer, to go and inquire into the affair. This said , had a short time before this, sold his possessions, to one of the saints, an by the name of , and had received two hundred dollars as part of the payment. A committee was appointed, consisting of five or six persons, the names of three of them were, , , and , the names of the others not recolected recolected. They They accordingly went received them unfriendly, looked <on> their visit on in hig as a high insult, and refused to give any sattisfaction. This tended to confirm the report that he was head of a mob, it created some uneasiness. Quite a number of persons went through the course of the day, to a sp[r]ing of watter which, was near his house, to drink and also to get water for their horses. Dr and a number of others went into his house, and again interogated him respecting the mob. and some angry words passed between them. sent for Jo Mr Joseph Smith Jun who was at the sp[r]ing, to come into the house, accordingly he came in. The matter was talked of over. denied having any thing to do with a mob, and said he never would have and that as a peace officer, he felt himself bound <as much of> to do justice to the saints as to other citizens, and he would do it. Mr Smith then [p. 13[a]] asked him if he had any objections to signing a paper to that effect, so that he it might be had for the benefit of those who entertaind fears on this matter. he <He> <He> said he had not, accordingly he signed wrote the following note. We give it here without any alteration in orthography, or composition.
I , a justice of the peace, of , do hereby sertify to the people called colld Mormin, that he is bound to suport the constitution of consticution of this ; and of the ; and he is not attached to an eny mob nor will not attach him hiself, to eny such peop[l]e. an And so long as they will not mol[e]st me, I will not molest them.
This the 8th day of August— 1838.
After this transaction, the company returned to the village where the saints many of the saints lived, called , to the house of Col . Shortly after their return to the house of , a number of three persons came from Millport—. The whole matter was talked over, and it was agreed that there should be a committee chosen from among the people of Millport, and vicinity, and also a committee appointed of the inhabitants of , to meet at and have all the affairs completely understood, and have peace. The committees accordingly met. On the part of the people of Millport there appeared , senator elect, John Williams, representative elect, , county clerk of the circuit circuit court, and several others. names not known. On the part of the people of , were , , , , and several of the people of “” [p. [13[b]]] were also in. At this meeting the strongest assurances were given of on both parties, that there should be no hostilities commenced on either part, that they all would abide the laws, and support them, and that no depredations of any kind, should or would be committed on either either part. And after the strongest possable assurances, each party returned home.
But while these pretended negociations were a going on, it a certain portion of the mob of , was running in to the different counties, telling the people that they were driven from their houses with their families, and that the Mormons were destroying all their property, and calling on them for help. , , and some others ran to , and there made oath to A before , the precise oath as I have have not a copy of it I cannot tell here with <give it>; but * it was of such a character, as to cause to <the said immediately> issued a writ for Messrs Joseph Smith <Jr>, , and It was put in to the hands of the sheriff of to execute, and with out his ever attempting to serve, it was reported that they had refused to be taken; and that the militia must be called out to take them, for the laws must be kept. but instead of calling out the militia, they went to raising a mob. and they were gathering into in multitudes, if their own report was to be credited but without any legal authority whatever. Seeing [p. 14[a]]
* the substance of it was, that he had been compelled by by, a body of armed men which had surrounded him, under pain of death, to sign an instrument of writing, which was unlawfull for any man to sign. He also said that Joseph Smith Jur & , were part of the company
these unlawfull transaction going on, and the pretext all the time that the before mentioned persons would not be taken, and Messrs and Smith, sent for , and stated to him the matter as it was, and requested him to come and investigate the whole case. This agreed to do, and accordingly the case was investigated by him, and the reports found to be fals, the fellows themselves being witnesses.
I here give and affidavit taken during the time of this excitement. -[Let the typographer now set paper fifteen.]- [p. [14[b]]]
|State of )||ss|
Before me , one of the Justices of the Court, within and for the County of aforesaid. Personally came Joseph Smith Junr who being duly sworn according to Law, deposeth and saith, “That on the 7th day of August 1838, being informed that an affray had taken place in on at the Election, in the town of , in the which some two persons were killed, and one person badly wounded, and fled to the woods to save his life, all of which were <said to be> persons belonging to the Society of Mormons so Callaed <the Church of Latter day Saints> And further, said— informant stated “that those perons who committed the outrage, would not suffer there <the> bodies of those who had been killed, to be taken of[f] the ground and buried. These reports with others, concerning the affair one of which was, that the Mormons <saints> so Called had not the privelege of voting at the polls, as other Citizens. Another was, that those opposed to the Mormons <saints> were determined to drive the<m> from : And Also that the<y> persons were arming & strengthening their forces, and preparing for battle; & that the Mormons <saints> were preparing & making ready to stand in self defence. These reports, having excited, the feelings of the Citizens of “” and vicinity, I was invited with others, by & some others, to go out to , to the scene of these Outrages; they having previously having determined to go out to learn the facts concerning said reports. Accordingly a some of the Citizens,— myself among the number, went out, two; three, and four in companys, As they got ready. The reports and exitement continued untill several of those small companys, through the day, were induced to follow the first, who were all eager to learn the facts concerning this matter: we arived in the evening, at the house of , about 3 miles from , the scene of the reported outrages: here we learned the truth concerning the said Affray, which had been considerably exageated [exaggerated], yet, there had been a serious Outrage committed. We there learned that the Mob were <was> collected at [p. 15[a]]
Mill Port, to a considerable number, and that was at their head, and were to attack the Mormons <Saints> the next day, at the place where we then were, called , this report, we esteemed to be worthy of <some were inclined> some <to> believe might be true. As this who, was was said to be their leader, had been but a few months before engaged in endeavouring to drive those, of the society, who— had settled in that vicinity, from the . This fact, had become notorious, from the fact that said had personally Ordered several of the said society to leave the . The next Morning, we dispacthed a committee to said ’s to asscertain the truth of these reports, and <to know> what his intentions were, and as we understood he was a peace Officers, we wished to know what we might expect from him, the Committee returned in a Short time, with an unfavorable report, that instead of giving them any assurance of preserving the peace, insulted them and gave them no satisfaction. <being desirous to know the feelings of for myself,> about this time the committee returned to a number of us who were <and being> in want of good water, and, understanding there were none nearer than s spring <myself with several others> Mounted our horses myself among the number and rode up to s fence, with one or two others, who had rode ahead, went in to ’s house, myself and some others went to the spring for water. I was shortly after sent for <by > and invited into the house, Being introduced to by , invited me to <re[q]uested> take a <me> chair <to be seated,> we then commenced a conversation, on the subject of the late dificulties and present exitement. I found considerable quite hostile in his feelings, towards the Mormons <saints>; but assured us that he did not belong to the mob, neither would he take any part with them; but said he was bound <by his oath> to keep support the Constitutition of the , and the Laws of the State of . Deponent then asked him, if he would make said statements in writing, so as to refute the arguments of those who had afirm’d that he () was one of the leaders of the mob? answered in the affirmative, that according<ly>, he did so; which writing is in the possession of the deponent.” [p. [15[b]]]
This deponent further states, “That no violence was offered to any individual, in his presence or under <within> his Knowledge, and that no insulting language was given on <by> either hand <party>, except on the part of Mrs. [Mary Morgan] Black, who while was engaged in making out the <above named> writing (which he made with his own hand) gave to this deponent and others of the Mormon Sosciety highly insulting Language, and false accusations, which were calculated in their nature to greatly iritate, if possible the feelings of the bystanders belonging to said Mormon sosciety, in Language like this this, being asked by the deponent, if she knew any thing in the Mormon people derogatory to the Character of Gentlemen? She answer’d in the negative, but said she did not know, but the object of their visit was to steal something from them. After had executed the writing, deponent asked if <he had> there were any unfreindly feelings towards the deponent, and if he had not treated him genteelly, he answered in the affirmative, your deponent then took leave of said , and repaired to the house of . The next day we returned to “,” And further this deponant saith not.
Joseph Smith Jr
Sworn to and subscribed, this fifth day of September AD 1838.
J.C.C.C.C. [p. [15[c]]]
But the case, having under gone a legal investigation, had no tendency to stop the opperations of the mob; but it tended clearly to show <how> much sincerity there was in their pretended zeal for the laws; for in open and avowed violations of them, they went on to collect together and to gether into , from , Carrill [Carroll], , Clinton, and Platt, and some from . Openly declaring that they would put the laws at defiance, and the saints should be driven out. They in the mean time took their famlies away from their houses, under pretence of fear, and ran through the country, from county to county, telling how they were driven from their homes. Got up county meetings in the surrounding counties, particularly , , Carrill, and . At their meetings, would be seen p[r]eaching of the gospel, as they called themselves, drunkards, profane swearers, &c all forming one company, and all declaring their determination, to aid their friends, if necessary, In one of these mob meetings in , was <seen> , States attorney, and now one of the Judges, also , who would wish to be called a respectable [p. 16] layer lawyer. At these meetings the most slanderous resolutions would be passed, that a people, so basely ignorant as they were, could invent. The mob thus incouraged by judges, lawyers, priest, &c kept gathering in large numbers. The roads were infested with them, companies of armed, <men> were passing and repassing in every direction, while a large majority of the principle men of the country, if they did not join the mob, used no exertions to prevent its operations. Among the rest, that headed a gang of these ruffians, was , who was the same season elected to the senate. He had, but a short time before, been converted, and had united with the baptist church. And this was some of the first fruits of his religion, and it was considered, among in the church to which he belonged, as a very great evidence of his great peity, that he should for conscience sake, kill hereticks, and drive them from their homes. And take their property for spoil.
The whole banditta <body> mad[e] their <its> way to . On ’s arival, the saints were summoned to send a flag into his camp forthwith, and receive terms at his hand. They however paid no attention to the mandate of this new potentate. They, after they had as they supposed, got sufficiently strong, commenced taking the saints [p. 17[a]] cattle, corn, &c to feed their army. Cattle, horses, and grain, was taken with a liberal hand, and they publickly boasted, that they lived on mormon beef, and Mormon corn. The saints dare not leave their homes. for if they did, they were stopped on the way, they were shot at their their horses taken from them, and to all appearance, they soon would be ruined. All the time the mob had their runners, telling that their wives and children were driven from their homes, that their fences were thrown down, and the Mormons were distroying all they had. Their wives and children were either in their camp, or else sent off to some of their friends in the adjoining counties. And all this they pretended was through fear. But <to> certain of their friends, they said, their object in so doing, was to keep the publick ignorant of their real design; for they did not wish their women and children there, when they drove the Mormons out, lest they might get hurt.”
The saints were, all the time, making application to the authorities of the country, to put down the mob, messengers after messengers, were sent to the military officers, and to the judge of the court, to get them to send to the if necessary, and put an end to the ravages of this banditta and after much exertion, and much labor, at last the judge ordered out the militia. was ordered as the commander in cheif, being a major general. Brigadier generals, and , were both ordered out with their brigades. They put [p. [17[b]]] their forces under orders, and took up their line of march for , the scene of trouble.
On their arival, they took a position between where the mob was encamped, and . Instead however, of these generals, which was their duty to have done going going and arresting this banditta <band> of plunderers and murderers, which they truely were, and having them forthwith brought to justice; they went to tampering with them. The mob complained to them, that their property had <been> stolen and destroyed, by the saints. The officers went to their houses, which they had evacuated <evacuated> and found some, <of> them open, and all their property in them, as they left it, and nothing disturbed. They continued the investigation; until they became satisfied that the if any of their -[the mob’s]- property was taken, they took it themselves, to raise a fals alarm, or at least the officers all said so. The mob openly and fearlessly declared to them, that they lived on Mormon beef, and Mormon corn. The saints required of the officers, that they <should> be arrested. and brought to justice, for plundering their property. unlawfull unlawfully, assembling to drive peace[a]ble citizens five form their homes, and for threatning their lives, and keeping them <in> fear, in open violation of the laws of the country. When these things were pressed, upon them, They excused the matter, by saying that their troops [p. 18[a]] were so mutious mutinous and rebellious, they did not venture to do it. This I think probably was correct. The course they took to quell the mob, however, was a singular one. And of those gentleman think that in doing as they did, they discharged their duty, and can feel as if they their oath of office required no more at their hand, I <we> have no more to say, but will let the sovereign people give their discision, and the God of eternity dispose of them, as <and> the matter, as seemeth wisdom, <and> justice in his eyes.
After tampering with them, as we before stated, and <after> having the fullest evidence that could be given, even that of their own testimony, that they were a gang of thieves and plunderers; they took , the reputed leader of the gang, and united them with their troops and called them militia, just as had done the mob in ; and after this manouevre, disbanded them, and sent them <home> as <if> they had been militia regularly called <out>.
It would take a volume too to larger than our present purpose will admit, to tell all the outrages committed by this banditta of plunderers; for it was precisely with them, as it had been to with the mobs of and counties; cornfields were laid open by them to the distruction of beast, a <and> carried off by waggon loads to feed their horses. cattle were killed in multitudes. There was one hundred <head> of cattle belonging to the saints which were missing and have never been [p. [18[b]]] obtained till this day, nor head of Horses also were taken, that belonged to the<m> saints, a great number of them, and was never <have not been> obtained since. Some of them have since been heard of, but the lives of the owners have been threatned, if they offered to take <them,> or even to go where they were, and the mob holds them till this day. People passing civilly along the road was stopped, insulted, and abused. out of all bearing, and not only insulted and abused, but plundered, Families that were moving were prevented from going to their places. Bodies of armed men were passing and repassing, not only through , but the adjoining counties, in open violation of the laws, committing depredations, and abusing civil citizens, and that in the face of the authorities of the , the having full knowledge of it, and, yet, the trangressors went unpunished. And when the militia, under the before mentioned Genls Genls. went to quell them, and that was done, was to make militia of out of them, and disband them, and send them home to enjoy the plunder which they had taken and to gratify themselves with <rehersing to> the violence they had committed to their associates acts of violence and plunder, and boasting of [p. 19[a]] it, and that publickly. There was not the first effort made to restore the property they <had> stolen, nor pay for the cattle they had killed; though the civil authorities were calld upon time and again to do so, and at all times, when called on to do, replyed that it was in vain to under take it, for there could not be a jury found, that would do the saints justice, and it was in vain, to sue for, they would obtain nothing. Thus being put off from time <to time> the saints had to sit down and submit to their fate.
Here probably would be as suitable a place as any to, notice one circumstance which shoud goes for to p[r]ove the apathy which which reigned in authorits in the civil authorities, and their unwillingness to do the saints justice. So the me the fact is as plain is as can be that <The truth is> <The truth is> the Civil officers were as much to blame for the outrages of the mob, as the mob was. because they gave <their> lenaty to do so.
There was in an a quant[it]y of arms, from from forty to fifty stand. They <were> in the care of a man by the name of Pollard, known by the title of Captain Pollard. While the mob was collecting in , being scarce of arms, they went to the place where these those arms were deposited, and took them, whether with or without the consent of Pollard I <we> know not, and was <were> carrying them off to . They In going from to [p. [19[b]]] they had to pass through a corner of , They a civil authorities of hearing of the circumstances, sent the sheriff of the to intercept them, in passing through the . This the sheriff effected, arrested the person carrying the guns, and the guns, and brought them to “” for trial. The trial came on, the facts were all proven, that the guns guns had been taken by one of the men who <was> then in custody, and were taking them to , to arm the the mob, that was then collecting in : and it was also proven, that and it was also proven, that the mob was collecting for the purpose of driving the saints from their homes.
After the arrst <arrest> and trial, a letter was sent to , the circuit judge informing him of the facts, and of asking his service, how to dispose of both the prisoners and the guns. Accordingly, when ’s Armey was in on their march to , they passd through “; demanded the prisoners, they were accordingly given up, he said he had the authority of for doing <so>, they were given up and, were marched off with the troops and set at liberty. After they had been convicted at a court of inquiry, and holden [p. 20[a]] to bail for their appearence, at the Circuirt Circuit court. Thus, were the laws of the land put at defiance, to save from punishment, a mob[b]er and plunderer; and that by the of the circuit court, who was bound by oath, to do otherwise, The princ. There were three persons arrested, the principle of which, was , the other were only hired in his service.
This arrest took place on the 9th day of September 1838, on the first day of the week, and it was in the same week, that generals , , & , went with their troops to .
It was during the opperations of this mob, the saints had a fair oppertunity of trying the honesty of the civil officers of , And old gentleman from , by the name of Hoops, was moving into . after he got to he had to pass through Millport, the residence of the principle leaders of the mob, , whose name has been mentioned before, <mentioned> stopped his team forcably. in the road, abused and insulted the family, Mr. Hoops was an intire stranger in the , he was detained for a number of hours, before he could get away from them. The old man went to a justice of the peace, and got a states warrant for him, gave it to an officer and had it served on <him> as they said, and had a day appointed for the trial. When the day came, [p. [20[b]]] was not there, but another man was permitted to answer for him; and after the witnesses were all sworn, and had testified, and proven the facts of the unlawfull detention, the justice pronounced no cause of action. in the mean time had gone to Carrill [Carroll] county, to join another mob which had met, to drive out a settlement of the saints that had settled in that county. The justices name was Covington. It was found that in every countty in upper , the laws would not be inforced against the mob. The civil officers would not regard their oaths, but in open violation of them would acquit the mob notwithstanding the mob would boast of thier crimes in their presence: Up till this time, there was not an officer <a> civil or military officer in who had been called upon to quell this gang of plunderers. That would abide by their oaths of office, from the . <down> When the civil officers were called upon, they would give discisions the most barefaced violations of law ever given by mortals, so much so, that <they> knew that they were violating thier oaths when they did <it>. When the military were called upon, instead of bringing the mob to justice they would call them militia, which could have been for no other purpose to but to keep them from the punishmet punishment justly due their crimes. And I am sorry to have to say it, but duty calles requires it [p. 21[a]] at my hand that , a major general and one from whom we ougt had a right to expect better thing things was a principle acter in this foul business. He is a lawyer. has been a member of the <state> legislator of the and held many publick offices in the and aught to have been a man of integrity. But when he was weighed in the ballance he was found wanting. who was who was also a lawyer and ’s companion, was as deeply concerned in these matters as but from his exceeding vulgar and lowbred habits which is discoverable by a very slight acquaintance little else could be expected from him. But it might have been expected that would stand upon his honor. and that he was a high minded man. but his conduct has forced a beleif of a very different kind. There were a number of other lawyers partners in these matters such as . but from small sources we expect but small streams and from men of small minds we never expect to see great things. These creatures being of the lowest rank of mankind we would expect that their conduct would be in accordance with their true charactor character. It would take a volume to give an account of all the ignorant vulgar abusive and intolerent saying and doings of these ignorant and corrupt lawyers. Their speechifyings [p. [21[b]]] at their publick meetings and mob assemblies at which they displayed <all their> virulence corruption and ignorance. And the only excuse which can be pled for them is their shamefull ignorance and their want of knowledge <understanding> of <in> the customs of civilized life.
After the mob had been honorably dismissed as militia and ordered home, they took up thier line of march directly to <in> Carrill county, to drive out a settlement of the saints which were in that place. The history of which settlement we shall hereafter give.
Part of the mob which was at , was from Carrill county. Their principle leader was commonly called , he was a Presbeterian peache [preacher]. There was a nother presbeterian preacher with the Carrill county mob, by the name of Hancock. After the mob had departed for Carrill county, the inhabitants of that had belonged to the mob, began to make proposals to the mob saints, either to sell or buy: two committees were appointed for this purpose, one on each part, after some arangements in relation to the matter, the committee on the part of the saints agreed to buy out all the possessions which the [p. 22[a]] mob had in , and purchases were making of their lands and crops every day, and payment made, untill there was some twenty five thousand dollars worth of property bought from the mob, in improvements and crops. While these opperations were going on, the mob would occasionally boast, that when whey had gotten payment for their lands and crops (the land conssted in preemption rights, as the land in that part of the had not come as yet into market they would rise up and drive the saints out, and keep both their lands and crops. They also sold a large quantity of hogs, some cattle and sheep, and other property. These threatnings were making continually, but the saints supposed that it was only did not however intertain any great fears of their doing so, but the sequel will shew that their threats were real.
While the mob was was opperating thus in , there were scattering families in other counties which had to suffer violence also, at the hand of their neighbours. In a family by the name of Lathrop who lived on a farm which they had purchased from a a man by the name of Wilde James weldon, was attacted, Mr Lathrop was driven from home, his wife and some of his family were sick, after he was driven away, one of his children died and his wife was there alone, and laying very sick, and there was twenty five or thirty armed men around the house threatning her husbands life if he attempted to come home. In this situation Mrs Lathrop lay [p. [22[b]]] without attendence, surrounded by a body of armed ruffians; and while in this situation, her child died, and her husband dare not return to comfort her. Her own situation at the time being delicate and terrified by the mob, her condition was afflicting in the extreme. The mob took and buried her child. An body of armed men were sent by the authorities, to relieve her. They arived at the place; and found the mob there; they most of whom fled at their approach. They took the woman and her goods and family, which remained, and brought <brought> her off with them, with an other family, by the name of Jackson, Mr Jackson had also been driven off from his family. Mrs Lathrop survived the abuse but a very short time, she died in a very short time after she was taken out of the hands of the mob, not but a week or two at most.
There were also scattering families of the saints in , , and other counties, who were severely threatned, and some left the counties out of fear, at the sacrafice of much property.
We have already mentioned that after the mob had been turned into militia, and disbanded as such, they went to Carrill county to attact a settlement of the saints in that place. The mob in Carrill county [p. 23[a]] began to assemble in first of October <1838> I am not <not> able to state the precise day, but, <it> was at as early as the first week of the month. 1838 I will now leave the affairs of and the other counties, to give an account of the settlement in Carrill county; for the history of the others, which remain, are identified with the history of this settlement and the things which befel them.
Some time in the last week in March 1838, a man by the name of , who was a large proprietor in the town platt of on the , arrived at far “” he has was the bearer of a letter from a Mr , who had been a man that in Carrilton [Carrollton], the county seat of Carrill county, but at the time he wrote this letter was living within a few miles of having purchased a large tract of land at that place; say some fourteen hundred acres. The object of <’s> his visit was to get and also and of the letter <of> which he was the bearer, was to get a some of the saints to go to , and buy a part of the town plott, and aid in building it up. was acquainted with many of the people of “. During the first visit of there was nothing done in the matter. At this time, I<we> was <were> on my way with my <our> fami[ly?] to , going there for the purpose of making a home. On the evening of the [p. [23[b]]] second day of April, I <we> stopped to tarry for the night, at the house of a man by the name of Morrison, on turkey creek. There was the said , who had also put up for the night, returning home from “.” He found out who I was <we were>. And then told me <us> that he had been to “,” and what he had been after; and also solicited my <our> assistance, in getting some of our people to take part in building up the town of .
Some time afterwards came, on the same errand, and it was not till after repeated solicitations and assurances, of all the assistance that we needed, in case of any difficulty, that there was any disposition <manifested,> on the part of the people of , to comply with their request, however, After repea <after> repeated solicitations and strong assurances given of the advantages of the place, and the ficilities which it would affored to the settlemnts making in the Upper to have a town and of course a landing place on the , at length a man by the name of , and one by the name of , left to examine the place. It was in June 1838 that they went to make the purchase. After examining the place, they purchased one half of [p. 24[a]] of the town plott, and agreed with , from whom they purchased, to move there with their families and commence as soon as they conveniently could, <in order> to commence building up the place. Accordingly, in July following they with their families went to . Soon after their arival there a settlement began to be made. The saints at the time were emigrating into the country in considerable numbers, and a portion of them stopped at . Some purchased farms in the vicinity, others bought property in the , and again <by> the middle middle of october there were as many as seventy families in <the town> and the immediate neighbourhood of it of the saints. They had bought and paid for considerable property; and were making arangements to erect buildings and other conveniences for their comfort.
Some short time after the settlement first began, in there was a mob meeting called at Carillton, the county seat Carrill county, and resolutions past of a very treasonable character. The proceedings of this meeting, was published in the publick papers. They at then resolved to drive the saints out of the county regardless of consequences. A committee was appointed to go and warn them of their danger to l, and to demand of them the -[saints]-, that they leave the county forthwith. All their transactions were publick, and perfectly known to the authorities of Country, but not the [p. [24[b]]] most distant attempt was made to bring any of them to justice. A widow Smith was warned to leave the place by an [illegible] And In consequence of the apathy of the goverment, the mob went on holding meeting after meeting, passing resolution after resolution, and threatning the saints with death unless they would leave their homes and property, and go out of the county. These proceedings were all publick and notorious. This mob was led by two presbeterian p[r]eachers, one by the name of , called . The other by the name of Hancock. They did not attempt to charge the saints with crime, it was their religeon, and their religeon only, that they took acception to.
This banditta of lawless ruffians went and joined the mob when they commenced their opperations, after the election; and when they were turned into militia, by , , and , and disbanded as troops regularly called out, they whole posse of them went directly from to attact attackt the settlement at , as well as the scattering families through Carrill county. It was some where about the last of september, 1838 that they left , for Carrill threatning vengence to the saints, without regard to sect <sex> or age. [p. 25[a]]
, for a little season, by this means was free from <them>. It was during this time that the people of , made sale of their lands and other property to the saints, all the time saying to their particular friends, that they entended as soon as they got the pay for their lands and other property they would <to> drive the saints off, and take it by force from them. They declared that they were fools if they did not do so, seeing, as they said, that the law could <not> be enforced against them, for so doing.
After they all had left , and got collected at Carrill, they set guards, The roads were so infested by <by them,> them that travelers were intercepte[d] on the way as they were peaceably passing along the roads. <were stopped by them> The more effectually to accomplish their purpose, they sent to and got a cannon. It was said to be a six pounder. They also got balls and amunition with the cannon in abundance. Bodies of armed men gathered in to aid them from all the adjoining counties, particularly, from , Saline, , Howard, , and Clinton, , Platt, as well as other places <and> parts of the . Among the numbers that came was, a man by the name of Jackson, from Howard, who was appointed their leader. He was called captain Jackson, and was among the number of the — : volunteers that went to Florida and cut such a figure there, as reported by Col Taylor.
The whole band being collected <collected> they closely invested the place, --. A large portion of the people there, had only just arived, and they were ford forbidden by these villians to go out of the place, under pain of death. They were deprived of getting food or providing houses for themself [p. [25[b]]] themselves. as fast as their cattle, horses, or any other property, got where these they wretches could get hold on <of> it, it was carried of[f] as spoil. If any of the people left the town, on any occasion, they were shot at by layars <layers> in wait, who were laying conceald, for this purpose. by these outrages seventy <the> families were compelled to live in their wagons, or in tents, or at least the greater part of them. Application was mad made to the judge of the circuit court for deliverence, and two companies of militia were ordered out, one of the companies was commanded by , a methodis <a> methodist preacher. The whole was put in under the command [of] , but they never made the first attempt to disperse the mob, when the people of inquired of the reason of his conduct, he always replied that and his company were so mutinous and mobocratic that he dare not venture to attempt a dispersion of the mob; saying saying that if he did and his company instead of dispersing the mob, would unite with them. A messenger with a petition was sent to the requesting aid from him. The man carrying the <who took> petition to the , was by the name of Caldwell. He went and saw the , and received for answer, that the mormons had got into scrape with the mob, and they might fight it out, for he would have nothing to do with it, at this was the a return made [p. 26[a]] to <the> citizens of .
The people finding themselves pressed on every hand with diffculties, and a beastly mob, threatning their lives, and not only threatning, but using all their efforts to do it <to take>; for scouting parties of the mob were round round in every direction, stealing cattle, horses, and all kinds of property that they could git. They set fire to a house owned by a man, by the name of , and burned it to ashes, and the man and his family barely escaped with their lives. They were deprived of making any provision whatever for their families, many of whom were sick laying in waggons <wagons> and in tents, without any other shelter. Numbers of them died for want of proper attendance in sickness. Many females that were in delicate situation gave birth to children, under these forbidding circumstances, and to crown all; their provisions were getting very low, and they could see nothing but actual starvation before them by continuing where they were. This, added to the sickness in their midst, made thier case deplorable, indeed, Parents <parents> had to stand still and witness the death of their children, without out the means to even make them comfortable in their dying moments. And childred had to do the same for with parents. these They civil authorities as well as the military, had all refused to do their duty, and were many of <them> at least, has deeply engaged in the mob as any others others. In the mean time, and , who had been the sole cause of the settlements being made, in went and solicited the saints to leave the place. said that he had assurances from the mob that if the saints they would leave the place, that they would not be hurt, and that they would be paid for all their losses, which they had sustained [p. [26[b]]] sustained, and that he had come as mediator to accomplish this object. and that persons should be appointed to set a value on the property that the saints <they> had to leave, and that they should be paid for it. The<y> saints finally th[r]ough necessity had to comply with it, and leave the place. Accordingly the committe was appointed. Judge Erickson was one of the committee, and Major Flory of Kurtsvile another, the othe names of the others not recoleccted. They apprised the real estate that was all. But when the people came to start, their horses, oxen, and cows, were gone, <or many of them,> and could not be found, it was known at the time and the mob boasted of it, that they had killed their oxen and lived on them, a great number of mlch cowes, horses, and oxen, have never been seen since, which doubtless the mob took and kept. Such wagons as could get off started. It was in the after part of the day when they started on the 11th of October 1838, when the saints <they> left for and Counties. They traveled that day about twelve miles, and encamped a in a grove of timber near the road. That evening a woman who had some short time before giv gave birth to a child, in consequence of the exposure occasioned by the opperations of the mob, and having to move her before her strength would admit died, and was buried in the grove without a coffin. There were a considerable number sick of both grown persons and children, which was <were> principally owing to their exposure, and to their having been obliged to live in their wagons and tents so long, and to being deprived of [p. 27[a]] food suited to them. of which they had been deprived by the violence of the mob.
No sooner had the<y> saints started to to and than called the mob together, and made a speech to them, saying to them “that they must hasten to assist their friends of . The land sails <sales>, he said, were coming on and unless they in , and if they could get the mormons driven out, they could then get all the lands, on which there were entitled to preem[p]tions, and that they must hasten to in order to <accomplish this> aid their friends the lands of <object> the saints away from them as they had bought a great many preemtion rights from the old settlers in and if If they would join and drive them out then they could get all the lands back again, as well as all the pay they had received for the<m> lands. He assured them <the mob> that they had nothing to fear from the authorities in so doing, for they now had full proof that the authorities was would not assist the mormons, and that they might as well take their property from them as not.” His request was complied with, and, accordingly the whole banditta started taking their cannon with them for . The reader will keep in mind, that their leader is a presbeterian p[r]eacher. In the mean time, a hightoned and Zealeous baptist was busy busily <beusily> engaged in raising a mob in Platt and Clinton counties, to aid aid in his effort, to drive peaceable citizens from their homes, and take their property as spoil. After <the mob> had left Carrill county. there were ordered out a part of two brigades of militia, to check his <their> movements. Generals [p. [27[b]]] and , were in command [of] the militia <them>, as it was part of their brigades that was ordered out. The first knowledge that the people of or had of any <the> mob’s coming against them, was the arival of a body of troops under the comm[a]nd of Col Dun of in ; as the people of , had no knowledge of any troops designing to come into the place their appearance caused some excitement. Both the military and civil officers, immediately, met them, and inquired into the cause of their sudden appearance in <the place> without giving notice. Their commander gave for answer answer, “that they had been ordered out by , to repair to , to opperate against a mob, which was on its march from Carrill county to in order to; This was on the first day of the week. I have not the precise date, but it was in October. The evening following, which was monday, arived in “. In consequence of these hostile movements on the part of the mob, the people of had assembled together, to take such measures as the emergency of the case might require.
After the arival of , the authorities made inquiry of him concerning the matter and the opperations of the mob. He stated “that the mob had gone from Carrill county with their cannon, for the express purpose of driving the saints from , and that he was [p. 28[a]] going to opperate against them; but he said that that his troops were so mutinous, that there was but little reliance to be placed in them. He then advised the authorities of , to send out two or three hundred mens to to to defend the people against the violence intended by the mob, untill such time as effectual measures could be taken by the authorities, to put a stop to their opperations. And he also told them, “that was collecting a mob in Platt and other places, for the purpose of attacking “, and said that it was absolutely necessary that there should be a strong guard kept at “ to defend the place”. In accordance with his representation, the authorities had of the , had the militia regularly called out, and a number went to as he had recommended, to await the movements and opperations of the <mob> and be governed accordingly.
The troops that had been ordered out by , went only about a mile and a half from “” and there incamped till he should arive. After his arival and giving the instruction he did, he went and ordered his troops home, instead of sending them to .
Immediately on his departure, , of , arived, and <and> informed us us reported that he had sent on a number of troops to , from , for the express purpose to of stopping the opperations of the mob: “part of them,” he said, “were to be relie[d] upon, and part of them were not.” All the officers said that “ and his company, which on <in> all their expeditions, had formed a p[art?] [p. [28[b]]] of their army, was were not to be depended on. ( is a methodist preacher) for he was as lawless, if not more so, and as mobocratic, as the worst of of the mob.”
, on his arival, expressed some disappointment at not finding there as he expected; and als on also at his having order<ed> his troops home, It commenced snowing and storming vehemently; After which also went and ordered his troops home, and they returned, but himself went on to . The mob by this time felt themselves sufficiently strong, and declaring themselves four hundred in number, and knowing of the troops having returned, they felt all sufficient to commence their opperation.
There were a great many things which took place during the time this mob and accordingly the very evening <night> of of arival in , the mob commenced their depredation. thefirst attackt was made on the house of of a gentleman man by the name of Smith who had gone on business to His wife was there alone with two little children, neither of them able to walk and with all Mrs Smith a very delicate woman. They drove her out of her house, there was a heavy snow on the ground, it was about the last of October. or the first of November. She took her two children in her arms, and walked three miles through the snow, and wa [p. 29[a]]ded grand river, to the town <get to> to . During the night, they burned out seven families, and took all thier goods and carried them off. They swore vengence against the Mormons, as they called them, that they should leave , or they would sacrafice them all, and that they would make no terms of peace but at the cannons mouth.
The next morning, after this driving out and burning, Mr , who was an authority <officer> in the military, asked what they should do, he now saw the designs and purposes of the mob, and he wanted to know how to proceed.
Here let me here just remark, that <the> saints had born the abuse of the people of , without cause or provacations, on thier <part> except thier relegeon, from the summer of 1831 untill this time, which was the first of November 1838 during which time, their crops had been distroyed, all their goods and chattels plundered, their houses burned, and they driven off of thier farms, in eyes <the face> of the goverment, and appeals after appeals, made to the authorities for redress, but none could be had, and they -[the saints]- had never in one instance retaliated, but submitted to be thus [p. [29[b]]] robbed, and plundered, and now they were not disposed to move untill the authorities of the country said so, and seeing was there, they appealed to him. replied with an oath, “to go and give them, says a he, a complete dressing, for you never will have any peace with them, till you do it, and I will stand between you and all difficulty.
Having the orders of their general, a man by the name of took one hundred men, and went to give gave them battle, though they reported themselves four hundred strong, and had a cannon. As gave chase, the mob fled before him. The persuit lasted for two or three days, during which time a general distruction of property took place, burning houses &c. The saints fled into with what they could carry with them, and the rest of ther their property was all distroyed. They drove in such of their cattle, horses, hogs, and sheep, as they could get in, as also their geese, chickens, &c, Their houses were soon wrapped in flames, and what they left behind them made a prey of.
at last got as near the mob, that they left their cannon and fled, he took the cannon, and returned to . And thus ended that scene of distruction. [p. 30[a]]
It is necssary for a proper understanding of this matter about the distruction of property, <for the reader to know> that the saints had bought a heavy portion of for which there are doccuments now to shew, and even to have possession in a short time. Let it be noticed that the mob in these burnings, had little to loose, indeed, they had nothing to loose; they had got thier pay for both thier houses and their lands, and thier whole object was to drive the saints from them, and keep both thier lands, and thier pay, for them which by the assistance of , they have been enabled <to do>. The mob declared while they were selling their lands, <that> they would do so, and if they could not accomplish their object any other way, they would burn their houses, and report the saints had done it. This can be proven by Mr Uriah B Powel.
After the mob was dispersed, and their cannon taken, the people from returned home, in hopes of having peace, but this hope proved to be vain, for , who had been very active in the mob, and a commander of one of their companies, that was all painted, commenced collecting his skattered <painted> <and> scattered forces, -[This was a member of the senate]- on a stream that was called the grindstone, [p. [30[b]]] After he had got, as he supposed, a sufficiency of them collected and well painted, he came into and took of cattle, and horses, &c and the people of had to set guards, to guard their property.
Some short time after commenced his opperations, messengers came to far wes “” reporting that in the south part of , there was a body of armed men, threatning the lives of the people ordering them out of the again 10 11 Oclock the next morning under pain of death. <unless they would renounce their religion> That they had burned, and were burning houses, had set fire to a wagon load of goods, that a man had not yet unloaded at his door. That they were breaking into houses, taking their guns, and that they had actually taken three prisoners.
The same report reached again about midnight, on the arival of the second report, the before mentioned took about sixty men, and went to inquire into the affair. when he got to the place, the mob had moved, he went into persuit, and [p. 31[a]] unexpecetedly, fell in with their guards, the guard fired, and killed one of <his> men. then ordered a rush. They immediately fell on them, the company fled very soon, but not untill was killed, and a man by the name of , The name of the one killed by the guard, was . reported, one killed, and a number wounded.
After this affray the men returned home. But all peace had fled away, mobbing parties were in every direction, at was dangerous for a man to go any distance from his house, if he did, and was on horse back, a gang of mobbers would take his horse from him, or if with wagon and team the wagon and team would be both taken, and this would be the last of them. These parties were throwing down fences, turning creatures in cornfields, turnip and potatoe patches. Some who were considered first <in> the country, were ingaged in this foul business. Such as , senator, Judge Smith, a judge in the court, and men of this <stamp> were not there <only,> but leaders, and excited others to acts of wickedness. [p. [31[b]]]
Matters continued thus, untill the 29th 28th of October, on this day a large army came and halted in a little skirt of timbers about a mile from * Who they were, or what they were after, no one knew. <It was rumered,> We had heard that there was such <such> an army that had crossed the line, and the authorities sent out men to inquire who they were, and what they were after; but no information could be obtained, untill the army arived. Shortly <after> their arival a man by the name of Pomeroy, came to the town bearing a white flag, and said he wanted three persons out of the town, before the town <it> was massac[r]ed, and the rest would all be put to the sword. The persons that <he> called for, refused to go, saying “that <if> their friends had to be slaugtered, they would die with them. The messenger shed a few crockadile <tears> and went back to thier camp.
Shortly after he returned, behold here comes with his bregade, marching towards the town and in line of battle. To this bregade, was presented a line also in battle order, consisting <of> two hun [p. 32[a]]
* Shortly before they reached thier place of e[n]campment, they passed by the house of a man by the <name> Cary, he The He was stranger in the . One of the army, or rather mob, for such they truely were, walked up to he him, and beat his braines out with the his gun. They picked him <up>, and threw him into a wagon and took him off with <them> and refused to let his family see him or minister to him; After keeping him for a length of time, they finally let his family have him. He expired shortly afterwards.
This cool blooded murder was passed by, as a matter of no consequence, though it was known to all the officers. The man committing the murder, was by the name of Donihue.
dred and fifty persons. The and his bregade gazed upon them, and the thought best to order a halt. They <He> paused, and looked, and then, the <he> ordered a retreat, and they went back to the camp.
During these manoeuvers, of ’ army, for such the army proved to be, with his banditta of painted plunderers, was powling round the <country>, plundering all things that they could get their hands on, and carrying it off.
After the before mentioned manoeuvering, sent word to the , that there should <not> be any harm done to it that night. but still there were marauding <party parties which> were threatning to burn it, and in consequence, it was thought best to throw if up a little <breast> fortefication <work> around the town and set guards to watch their movements. This done, it was composed of railes, house logs, and empty wagons, &c
As their <custom> had been from the begining, so it was now, with his banditta of painted ruffians, were incorporated with the army, and called militia, and this was [p. [32[b]]] an atonement for all the thefts, roberies, and other outrages, which they had committed against the publick peace.
Some time through the course of the<next> day, after the arival of ’ army, we were made acquainted with fact, that they were there by the orders of the untill this time supposed that they were a mob. Here follows the s order. [1/2 page blank] [p. 33[a]] [p. [33[b]]]
Head Quarters of the Malitia
City of Jefferson
Oct 27th 1838
<Sinc> the order of the morning to you, directing you to come <with> four hundred mounted voluntee men to be raised within your division. I have received by Esqr. & Wiley C Williams Esqr, one of my aids, information of the most appalling character, which changes entirely the face of things and places the Mormons in the attitude of an avowed defiance of the Laws, and <of> having made war upon the people of this Your orders are therefore to hasten your operations and endeavor to reach in Ray County with all possible speed, The Mormons Must be treated as enimies and must be exterminated or driven from the if necessary for the public peace
Their outrages are beyond all description.— If you can increase your force you are authorized to to do so. to any extent you may think necessary.— I have Just issued orders to Maj. Genl. Wallock of Marion County to raise 500 men and to march them to the northe[r]n part of and there unite with of who has been ordered with 500 men to proceed to the same point for the purpose of intercepting the retreat of the Mormons to the north— They have been directed to communicate with you by express, you [p. 34[a]] can also communicate with them if you find it necessary, Instead therefore of proceding as at first directed to reinstate the citisens of in their houses. You will proceed immediately to and there operate against the Mormons of has been ordered to have four hundred of his Brigade in readiness to join you at — The whole force will be placed under your command *
The s Order As reported officially at Mo. [p. [34[b]]]
* This order of was given, as he and the whole band of them pretenders, in consequence of the battle, pretending that he had been sent there by legal authority. Now for this legal business. came into without any legal authority whatever, and committed all his out rages, but after he had committed his outrages <them> he sends a messenger to for authority. sets down and sends him a evicting authorzing to him to guard the lines between the counties of and . ’s order to , was copied by Samuel Tillary after dark the evening before the battle was faught, and that was faught the before day light. However <the next morning> and it had to be carried some thirty or forty miles. Here was an other peice of ledger demain. was turned into militia to hide up his wickedness.— <We> <I> Had <had> this account from the mouth of Samuel Tillary [Tillery], He <he> is clerk of the circuit court of Mo, and acts as clerk for .
Let the reader, particulary, notice, that this was well acquainted with the opperations of the mob, for the space of eight <five> years, having been the leader of it once himself, at the time it raged in , and had been petitioned again and again, after he was governor to stop its ravages, and in every instance refused to do it. He now perfectly knew, that the whole difficulty had originated in consequence of its violence <and> plunde[r] yet notwithstanding this, he issued the above order. * Indeed he had <> said “that if it had not have been for the vote which the saints <Mormons> had given <gave> <gave> at the late election, he would have exterminated them before.” So much for this
After the citizens of were made acquainted with the fact, that was there by the s order, they ceased to take any measures for defence, but submitted immediately.
In the mean time, the army imployed itself as in distroying the cornfields, potatoes turnips, & plundring houses taking, horses. Houses were searched by them, so closely to find money, as [p. 35[a]] a man <would> a [pa]ck of Arabs, after a ship wreck every Every dollar was carried off that could be found, while the lives of the owners were threatned if they offered the least resistance. Horses were stolen or rather taken by force cattle, hogs, and sheep, were shot down, and left on the ground to rot. Fences were thrown down, and cornfields left to the mercy of the beasts. Potatoes and turnips were were left in the same situation. Men, woman, and children, were insulted and abused in a brutal manner.
We return again to the manoeuvering of the officers. In the evening of the second day after thier arival, They they sent a messenger to a number of persons, informing them, that they wanted them to come into their camp as they wished to have a consultation with them, and they pledged thier sacred honors, that they should be at liberty to return to the town again eight O Clock the next morning. The persons called <for> were , , Joseph Smith Jr., and . we <It was> supposed that we <confidence> might trust be to the honors <placed> <in the word> of major and brigadiers generals, and, accordingly <the persons called for> we went into [p. [35[b]]] their camp * but their was an end to their honor we were held as prisoners. This was the evening of the thirtieth of October <we into their camp than no sooner did the get>
The next day after we <they they> were betrayed into thier camp, they <used> ordered all the arms to be delivered up of all these those this was done. Here again followed <here begin> * another scene of brutality. The troops ran from house to house, taking all the arms they could find, from old men that never thought of going into a field of battle; but no, there must not be left a single gun in the . So the troops ran as before discribed, like a parcel of ravenous wolves; but thier great objcet [object] in being so anxious to get guns was <were> plunder. They wanted to get into the houses to see if there was not some thing they could carry off. Thus they plundered houses untill they got satisfied. To secrete their property from their ravages, the people had to go and hide it, in the bushes or any where, where they could find a place of conceilment. They troops found some of the property that had been hidden, This gave rise to <produced another savage oppe> [p. 36[a]]
[*] When they started to go the whole army move
[Page turned 180 degrees before the following was inscribed] When they started to go, instead of meeting a white flag, as was supposed alone, to conduct them in safety to the Camp, here Comes the whole army with a Cannon, with <it and> at its head. They persons before mentioned, were immediately taken as prisoners of war. The cannon guard was commanded to take them, and guard them into the camp, as such, and a loaded cannon drove close behind them.
But to discribe this scence would defy the pen of a Scott. Guns were snapping in every quarter. The yellings, the howlings and screamings, we think was <were> never equalled, we thought at the time, that we might perhaps hear some thing like it, if we were at the gates of perdition, hearing the howlings of the miserable, but we think accept that could equal it <it never was equalled.>. After they got into Camp, their was a strong guard placed round them. -[Turn over]-
It will be seen by this, how much reliance could be placed in the sacred honor of these generals. We generally expect to find men of so high office, abide by their word even at the risk of life.
confessed, that the persons thus betrayed, were to be let return the next morning. Let so much suffice, for thier word and sacred honor—
They next day after they were betrayed into camp, ordered all the persons in the county of to give up thier arms. After the arms were given up, the men were keept under guard, and all property holders compelled to sign a deed of trust, signing away all thier property, to pay <defray> the expenses of the war, <pay debts &> and then, they were all commanded to leave the state, under pain of extermination, between that and corn planting the next springs.
At the time of giving up the arms, there again followed.
savage opera opperation that scarcely if ever seen in civilized life. Those wild wild creatures tearing like madmen through the bushes, run[n]ing and searching under hay stacks, tearing up floors, all hunting pretendently after arms. but the abundance of property plundered, testifies that they had other objects in view.
While the troops were thus engaged, the officers were busily imployed in laying some plan to dispose of us <those> whom they had betrayed into their Camp. Seventeen preachers with generals and met, and held a court martial. The prisoners were never admitted into <it> at all. They were <not> allowed to plead introduce <evidence> in the case or any thing else; finally, the august body came came to a discision, and that was, that at eight o clock the next morning we <they> should be taken into the publick square in the presence of our <their> families, and shot. Who among the military characters of this day, will not say is fit to command an army, when he was <at> the head of such a court martial as this?
At these high handed and law [p. [36[b]]]less measures demurred. He told them “that there was not one of them in the least degree acquainted with the military law, and understood nothing about court martials, and for his part if that were a going to be [the] course they were going to persue, his hand should be clear of it,” and he forthwith ordered his bregade to strike prepare, and he marched them off. This deterred the others, seeing was the only layer lawyer in their number. We presume they would have carried their designs into effect, had it not been for ’s leaving them. We had this account from the lips of himself.
Our families had been apprised of thier intention, and were waiting in that awfull suspence waiting the arival of the fatal hour, However, they changed their purpose, and it was decreed that we should be carried to [illegible] the the property holders that could be got hold of were brought together and com [p. 37[a]]pelled to sign a deed of trust at the swords point and that all their property into the hands of trustees to be devoted to the defraying of the expences of the war paying debts &c.
While these things were thus in these ignorant an stupid and beastly manner carrying on in and about “” scenes, still more horrid and soul chilling, were going on in another part of the county, at a place called , because a man of that name had built a mill there. I will give this account from the pen of eye witnesses. I will give it from the testimony of three who have testified to it. That is, and his ; and ,
We also have the testimony of Mrs A[manda Barnes] Smith, whose was killed and little son of nine years old was also killed, and also a younger boy wounded. But wishing to bring our account into as narrow limits as possable, we omit asserting it inserting it. [p. [37[b]]]
The following is a short history of my travels to the state of and of a bloody tragedy acted at on Oct. 30th 1838
On the sixth day of July last I started with my family from Ohio for the State of The county of in the upper part of the being the place of my destination
On the the thirteeneth of Oct I crossed the at Louisianna at which place I heard vague reports of the disturbances in the upper country but nothing that could be relied upon I continued my course westward till I crossed at a place called Comptons ferry, at which place I heard for the the first time that if I proceeded any further on my journey I would be in danger of being stopped by a body of armed men. I was not willing however, while treading my native soil, and breathing republican air to abandon my object, which was to locate myself and family in a fine healthy country, where we could enjoy the society of our friends and connections.
Consequently I prosecuted my journey, till I came to Whitneys mills scituated on in the eastern part of . After crossing the creek, and going about three miles, we met a party of the mob, about forty in number, armed with rifles and mounted on horse<s> back who informed us that we could go no farther west, threatning us with instant death if we proceeded any further I asked them the reason of this prohibition, to which they replied that we were Mormons, and that every one who adhered to our religious faith would have to leave the in ten days or renounce their religion, Accordindly they drove us back to the mills above mentioned. Here we tarried three days, and on Fryday the twenty sixth we recrossed the creek and following up its banks, we succeeded in eluding the mob, for the [p. 38[a]] time being and gained the residence of a friend in Myers settlement. On Sunday 28th of Oct. we arrivd about twelve oclock at noon at ; where we found a number of our friends. collected together who were holding a council; and deliberating on the best course for them to pursue, to defend themselves against the mob who were collecting in the neighborhood under the command of Col. [Thomas] Jennings <of and Mr Ashby of co>, a member of the legislature, and threatning them with house burning and killing. The decision of the council was that our friends there should place themselves in an attitude of self defence.
Accordingly about twenty eight of our men armed themselves and were in constant readiness for an attack of any small body of men that should <might> come upon them. The same evening, for some cause best known to themselves, they <mob> sent one of their number to enter into a treaty with our friends, which was accepted of on the condition of mutual forbearence on both sides and that each party as far as their influence extended should exert themselves to prevent any further hostilities upon either party. At this time however there was another mob collecting on , at William Mann’s who were threatning us. consequently we remained under arms on monday the twenty ninth which passed away without any molestation from any quarter. On tuesday the thirtieth of Oct that bloody tragedy was acted the scenes of which I shall never forget. More than three fourths of the day had passed in tranquillity, as smiling as the preceeding one I think there was no individual of our company that was apprized of the sudden, and awful fate that hung over our heads, like an overwhelming torrent. which was to change the prospects, the feelings <and circumstances> of about thirty families.— The banks of on either side teemed with children sporting and playing, while their mothers were engaged in domestick imployments and their fathers employed in guarding the mills and other property [p. [38[b]]] while others were engaged in gathering in their crop for the winter consumption. The weather was very pleasant; the sun shone clear; all was tranquil. and no one expressed any apprehensions of the awful crisis that was near us even at our doors
It was about four o’clock, while sitting in my cabbin with my babe in my arms, and my standing <att> by my side the door being open I cast my eyes on the opposite <bank> of , and saw a large company of armed men on horses directing their course towards the mills with all possible speed As they anvanced through the scattering trees that stood on the edge of the prairie, they seem’d to form themselves into a three square position forming a vanguard in front. At this moment David Evans, seeing the superiority of their numbers, (there being two hundred and forty of them: according to their own account) swung his hat and cried for peace. This not being heeded they continued to advance and their leader <> fired a gun, which was followed, by a solemn pause of ten or twelve seconds, when all at once they discharged about one hundred rifles aiming at a blacksmiths shop into which our friends had fled for safety, and charging up to the shop the cracks of which between the logs were sufficently large to enable them to aim directly at the bodies of those who had there fled for refuge from the fire of their murderers
There were several families tented in rear of the shop. whos lives were exposed, and amidst a shower of bullets fled to the woods in different directions After standing and gazing on this bloody scene for a few minutes and finding myself in the utmost danger. the bullets having reached the house where I was living. I committed my family to the protection of Heaven & leaving the house on the opposite side I took a path which led up the hill follo[w]ing in the trail of three of my brethren that had fled from the shop [p. [38[c]]]
While ascending the hill we were discovered by the mob who immediatly fired at us and continued so to do till we reached the summit of the hill In desending the hill I secreted myself in a thicket of bushes where I lay till eight oclock in the evening at which time I heard a female voice calling my name in an under tone, telling me that the mob had gone and there was no danger. I immediately left the thicket and went to the house of Benjamin Lewis where I found my family (who had fled there) in safety and two of my brethren <friends> mortally wounded one of which whom died before morning.
Here we passed that painful night in deep and awful reflections on the scenes of the preceeding evening. After day light appeared some four or five men with myself who had escaped with our lives from the horrid massacre, repaired as soon as possible to the to learn the fate condition of our friends whose fate, we had but too truly anticipated.
When we arrived at the house of we found Mr. [Levi] Merricks body lying in rear of the house. ’s in front, litterally mangled from head to foot. We were informed by Miss Rebecca Judd who was an eye witness that he was shot with his own gun after he had given it up, and then was cut to pieces with an old corn cutter by a of , who keeps a ferry on and who has since <repeatedly> boasted of this act of savage barbarity. s body we found in the house and after viewing these corpses we immediately went to the blacksmiths shop where we found nine of our friends, eight of whom were already dead the other Mr [Simon] Cox of Indiana struggling in the agonies of death and soon expired— We immediately prepared and carried them to a place of interment This last office of kindness due to the relicts of departed friends was not attended with the customery ceremonies nor decency for we were in jeopardy every moment expecting to be fired on by the mob who we supposed [p. [38[d]]] were lying in ambush waiting for the first oppertunity to despatch the remaining few who were providentially preserved from the slaughter the preceeding day, However we accomplished without molestation this painful task— The place of burying was a vault in the ground formerly intended for a well, into which we threw the bodies of our friends promiscuously Among those slain I will mention Sardius Smith son of <about nine years old> who through fear had crawled under the bellowses in the shop where he remained till the massacre was over. when he was discovered by a Mr [Ira] Glaze of Carroll county. who presented his rifle near the boys head and litterly blowed <off> the upper part of it. Mr. Stanley of Carroll, told me afterward that Glaze boasted of this deed all over the country The number killed and mortally wonded in this wanton slaughter was eighteen or nineteen whose names <as> far as I recollect were as follows , Levi Merrick, Elias Benner, Josiah Fuller, Benjamin Lewis, Alexander Campbell, , Sardius Smith, George Richards, Mr. [William] Napier, Mr. Harmer [Austin Hammer], Mr [Simon] Cox, , , William Merrick a boy 8 or 9 years old, and three or four more whose names I do not recollect as they were strangers to me. Among the wounded who recovered were Isaac Laney [Leany] who had six balls shot through him two through his body two one through each arm and the other two through his hips, Nathan K. Knight, shot through the body, Mr [William] Yokum, who was severely wounded besides being shot through the head.
, —— [George] Myers, , , and several others. Miss Mary Stedwell while fleeing was shot through her hand and fainting fell over a log into which they shot upwards of twenty balls
To finish their work of destruction this band of murderers composed of men from , , , [p. 39[a]] , and Carroll, Counties Led by some of the principal men of that section of the upper country. proceed<ed> to rob the houses wagons and tents of bedding and clothing, drove off horses and wagons. leaving widows and orphans destitute of the necessaries of life, and even stripped the clothing from the bodies of the slain
According to their own account they fired seven round in this awful massacre making upwards of fifteen hundred shots at a little company of men of about thirty in number
I certify the above to be a true statement of facts relative to the above mentioned massacre according to my best recollections
Settled with the rest we felt to rejoice we had neither spyes nor guards out nor was apprehending danger, when about three hundrd mounted men came in aloap and fell upon us without showing us any murcy what ever we never saw them until they was as near as one hundred & fifty yards of us we then amediately ran into a blacksmyth Shop, they began fyering [firing] on us without asking us to surrender without giveing us the chance to surrender when we called up on them to spare our lives when men ran out & held up there hankerchiefs & hats for peace they shot them down when they attempted to run they was shot down & when they stood still they shot them down threw the cracks in the shop they there was also a window in the end & another in the side of the shop, the shop was neither chinked nor daubed so they had all chances to make a speedy slaughter of us, we saw that they would show us no murcy we then begun fyering at them but in this time our number was but few and the enemy mostly behind trees & fence logs so that there was but few of them killed or wounded, I think that neither in I could venture to say that neither ancient or modern times [p. 40[a]] have ever witnessed sutch a cenery of thing as was thare witnessed, there was a few men women & children in consequence of threts & the abuse that they had received had gaethered themselves toguether in defence of there own lives & there property when they was fell upon by a lawless band, without being shown the least murcy without spareing men women or children there was one woman shot threw the hand othe[r] had holes shot threw there clothes, they continued there bloody works until 17 was killed & 15 wounded I must here remark that this woman that was wounded was not in the shop but was in a tent & when they commenced fyering at hur she run & hid hurself behind a log & it is said that there was 12 or 14 bullets shot in the log that she was behind, the other women that was shot threw there clothes ran out of there houses that was near the shop knowing that there husban[d]s was in the shop & screamed for murcy but insted of haveing mercy shown to there husbans & friend they had to make a quick retreat to save there own lives, there was one small boys branes was shot out, there was too other little boys during the fray consealed themselves under the Bello[w]s & those cruel harted retches after killing both of there fathers came & stuck there guns [p. [40[b]]] thew [through] a crack of the shop & shot them both one dyed & the other recovered, they then came in to the shop among those that was dyining & struggleing in there blood & them all that they could perceive life in they blown there branes out curseing them as lowd as screams could yell, there was too men that laid among the slaim that passed for dead men that escaped being shot again the other one of them was wounded & the other was not, and after these cruel retches had found out that these men had escaped there notice I heard them sware that if they ever got in another engagement tha they would enspect more closer by sticking there k[n]ife in there toes, this barberous work commenced on Tuesday evening about an hour by sun, they kep on shootin and as long as they could find any to shoot untill sun down, it would be miraculous to tell how them escaped that did escape & also to tell how some was shot to that did recover, how painfull it is, when I think upon the it my heart is filled & my eyes is ready to drip with tears to see my friend & near neighbours a falling around me, groaning & dying struggleing in there blood, & to see the widows tears & to hear the orphants cry, to see the helpless babes a weeping standing by, there was a verry old man & justice of the [peace] after he had gave up his gun & surrendered [p. [40[c]]] himself a prisner he was shot dow[n] & after laying a little while he attempted to rise he was hewn down with an oald peace of a sythe blade after a while he attempted to rise again he then was hacked down and hacked into peaces this was done by I had one brother killed & an other wounded I escaped myself but had several loles [holes] shot threw my clothes, the dead was thrown into a well about 8, or ten feet deep, because there was no one left that was able to burry them, this was too days before the surrender at , and the second day after the masacre took place a large company of them came back & fyered there guns & blowed there bugle & frightened the neighbourhood, but did not kill any more, I had forgot to mention there stealing & rob[b]ing the houses on the day after the masacre, there was several that was on there way to from the east that in consequence of the way being guarded by the mob stop[p]ed at the five of them was killed & after they was done shooting the dead wounded over they then went into the houses & tents & robed the widows of there beds & clothing & left them to perish with the cold they als[o] took off those movers waggons to & teams in order to hall off the goods that they had taken they took several valuable horses they robed the women of there mantles & the men of there clothes, they strip[p]ed the dead the boots off of the dead & sold them, Steaven Runels [Stephen Reynolds] boasted of shooting the too little boys, some of them thou[ght] it was not right others said a littl sprout would [become?] a big tree [p. [40[d]]]
the afte[r] the mob had left the ground & it begun to get dark I crep from my hideing place & went down by near the & found my brother which was gapeing & groaning in his blood & I brought him to my house which was in a few hundred yards of the shop he lived a few hours & dyed & while he was dying his wife loaned a young man his noble gildon to go to to get assisstanc to burry the dead, the young man started in haste & got in too or thre[e] miles of & thare he met a company of men they ast [asked] him where he was from & where he was going he told them they then ast him where the militia was, he told them he did not know of any, they then told him to turnabout & go with them & they would show him where they was, for they said that there was 5 or 6 thousand out here a little piece, they then took him to to Samuel Mc’cristens [McCriston’s] & stay all night, they thare robed him of a fine fur cap & threatened to take his over coat telling him that it was too fine for a mormon they thereatened to shoot him & despacted among themselves who should have the horse, in the morning the same that took his cap & threttened to take his coat & shoot him saddled up his horse & rode him round the lot [p. 41[a]] & then stoped & councled with his company & then put his sadle on an other <horse> and Samuel Mc’cristin saddled up the horse & rode him off the young man told them that the horse belonged to a woman that hur husband was dying, this company then took the young man to & kep him a prisner this companys, names was as follows Joseph Ewen [Ewing] Jacob Snordan [Snorden] Wiley Brewer John Hille [Hills] & four more there names not recollected,
I shall next proceede to give an account of the treatment that we had to endure after our friends was slain, capt. with 40, or 50 men came to the & located themselves for too or three weeks & took possession of the , dureing this time they lived on the best that the neighbourhood could afford, the industry of the mormons had precured to themselves a plenty of that which was paletable & good, they & his company went from house to hous & plundered & stold & burnt some books they robed some houses of every thing that belonged thare to, they, killed our hogs robe beegams they ground the wheat that was in the & mad[e] use of it, ther was ten widows in the neighbourhood, whoos husband they had killed & [p. [41[b]]] many helpless orphant whoo was dependent on going to these wicked retces [wretches] for ther meal & flower, there was many exposed <to the cold> that was left destitute of meanes to subsist on, there was many laying wounded & no one scarcely to attend to there wants & there lives was day [daily?] threattened, it was is dreadfull to tell the awfullness of our situation, & this abuse we received from men of our own coular & of our own nation & we [k]now not but our four fathers have fought side and side for our liberty, they told all manner of lyes & falsehoods against us in order to justify the evil conduck that they done, if we had done any crime we never refused to have the law put in force against us but they [k]new we had not violated the law & new that takeing us to the law would not acomplish the object that they had in view, for they had not forgot <the spoil> that they had gained by driveing the mormons from , it was our farmes & our stock & our property that they wanted, I stand in defyance of the State of to proove one acusation against us that they so cruely treated the that was worthy of the notice of the law for there was many of us in consequence of sickness had bin confined dureing all of the difficultys & there was five that was killed that had jus[t] came to the country too days before they was killed. Now those wicked retches went from house to house on serch of gunes & other other things that they wanted [p. [41[c]]]
I was at the house of who was laying wounded when with a company came in with there faces painted black with a half moon <painted> under each eye they begun to question, if he knew where sutch & sutch of his neighbours was he told them he did not I then got up & started out I was imediately followed out by some of his company they told me to not go away until the seen me they then went in and saw the & he came out & told me that I must be gaune [gone] or on the act of starting by Tuesday evening this was on sunday evening or denounce mormonism or go to & stand a triel I ast him to what it was I must deny, he said I must deny Jo Smyths being a prophet, I told him as for going to & standing a triel I did not regard standing a trial according to law for any thing that I had done, but to be tried by a mob low I did not like it for they heaped the mormons all in a lump & what they had against one they had against all, & as for moveing I thought it quite a short notice for a man to have to move in when the wether was so cold & had neither waggon or team I told him that my wife was sick & I did not know how I should go so soon I told him that the road was said to [p. [41[d]]] be guarded that none was allowed to pass must I be drove off by one company and another to kill me as I went I told him that I thought the conditions of the treaty was that we might stay until spring, he said that, that was the first conclusion but he just had received new orders from the & that was that all mormons should be driven out fourth with, I then ast him if the way was not guarded so I could not go safely he said that he would give me a ticket that would take me safely I then went my way & we parted, on the next day I hapened at the where the & his company was he the[n?] rote a pass & gave it to me which reads as follows, November the 13th. 1838 this is to certify that a mormon is permitted to leave and pass through the State of in an Eastward direction unmolested during good behaviour Capt , Capt Militia
on the next day after I got my pass Hiram comstock the capt<‘s> brother came with too or three others came <men> to my house & braught with them a prisoner, they to told me that thay had a prisner they ast mee if I new him I told them tha[t] I had saw him but did not know his name, they after asking [p. 42[a]]
November 13<th.>. 1838
this is to certify that a mormon is pemitted to leave and pass through the State of in an Eastward derection umolested during good behaviour
several questions, told me to go with them to there c[a]mp, I went down with them they told me that the prisner said that he was well acquainted with me they then told me that I might considder my-self a prisner they then gave me plenty to eat & drink but kep me until next day & set me at liberty
I was born Aprile the 10th. 1814 in the State of Kentucky Simpson County & remained in the same stat & County untill Aprile the 29th. 1837 I then went to the State of I there witnessed thos horred senes of which I have spoken, & my real losses, besides my difficulty troubles & vexations is not les than, 400 dollars all accasioned by those difficultys & those difficultys was accasonned by mobs this March the, 14th. 1839
We will now return to the prisoners, they had meanly betrayed into their hands.
We were kept in their camp till the third day of November, we were then take to started with for . Let us here observe, that they had increased our number, having added to <it> Messrs , and . By our special request, they took us into “” to see our families, whom we found when we got there, living on parched corn, as the town was so closely invested they could not get out. I will <not> attempt to discribe this parting scene, I will leave every person to place themselves in our situation, and the then judge for themselves.
In writing <this> narative, it is no part of our intention to play upon the passions of the publick, but give a faithfull narative of facts, and there leave it.
After we arived at , the county seat of , we served the same purpose that a caravan of wild animals would: for <For> a show!! as hundreds of people called to <see> us. We were put into an old house, and left to sleep on some blankets we had carried with us.
Shortly after we had started from “” a messenger came riding after us, with a demand from to take us <back,> with this general [p. 43[a]] would not comply. Upon the whole, we were treated at with respect. we were boarded at a tavern and finally were taken into the tavern house. A man was appointed to see that we had every thing we wanted. * While we were there. Burrell [Russell] Hicks, a lawyer of celebrety and the leader of the <mob,> confessed my <in our> presence, and in the presence of many others, that the mob was a wanton attackt upon the saints without cause, and he said he presumed, that the attackt then made, was of the same character.
I We do state this to shew, that the men of intellegance in , knew that they were again engaged in robbing a people of thier rights, indeed, went so far to say, that if ever the mob attackted us again, he would fight for us. * Shortly after our arrival in Colonel from the army of came with Orders from who was Commander <in chief> of the expedition with orders to have us forwarded forthwith to Accordingly on thursday morning November the 8th. with three guards only and they had been obtained with great difficulty after labouring all day the previous day to get them. Between and Roy’s ferry on the they all got drunk and we got possession of their arms and horses it was late in the afternoon near the setting of the sun we travelled about half a mile after we cross[ed] the and put up for the night. The next morning there came in a number of men some of them armed their threatnings and savage appearance were such [p. [43[b]]]
* They dispensed with their guards and we were at liberty to go where we pleased, and return when it suited us. These priveleges were not granted us at first but after we had been there a few days at first we were put into an old house and closely guarded
* We will here <leave> the prisoners and relate what took place in after ’s arival at we think was the General’s name that was sent to there on his arrival he placed guards around the town so that no person might pass out or in without permission all the men in the town were then taken and put under guard and a court of inquiry was instituted with on the bench the said belonged to the Mob and was one of the leaders of it <from> when <the time> it first commenced in the name of the Attorney’s name we have forgotten if we ever knew; but he belonged to s Army—
After two or three days investigation every man was honorably acquitted then Ordered every family to be out of in ten days with permission to go to and there tarry untill spring and then to leave the under pain of extermination. This was in the first of November the weather was very cold more so than usual for that season of the year And in keeping this order of ’s the[y] had to leave their crops and their houses and to live in tents and Waggons in this inclement season of the year As for their flocks and herds the Mob had deliver’d them from <the trouble of> taking care of them or from the pain of seeing them starve to death by stealing them. An arrangment was made in which it was stipulated that they should have a certain a committee of twelve which had been previously appointed should have the privilege of going from to for the term of four weeks for the purpose of conveying their crops from to . But in a few days The Committee were to wear white badges on their hats for their protection
But in a short time after this arangeme[nt] was made withdrew with his Army and [the?] Mob rose up as soon as the army was gone and forbid the committee from comming again into under pain of death. By this the Mob secured unto themselves several hundred thousand bushels of corn; besides large quantities of oats. And the saints were left to seek their bread where they could find it and shelters also. We will now return to the prisoners in
as to make us afraid to proceed without more guards a messenger was therefore dispactched to to obtain them. We started before their arrival but had not gone far untill we met with a guard if we recollect right of twenty four men I as this to the number however we are not certain; and were conducted by them to and put in to and old vacant house and a guard set. Some time through the course of that day came in and we were introduced to him We enquired of him the reason why we had been thus carried from our homes and what were the charges against us. He said that he was not then able to determine but would be in a short time and with very little more conversation withdrew. Some short time after he had withdrawn came in with two chains in his hands and a number of padlocks the two chains he fastened together. He had with him ten men armed who stood at the time of these opperations with a thumb uppon the cock of their guns: The first nailed down the windows and then— came and ordered a man by the name of John Fulkerson whom he he had with him to chains us together with his chains and padlock, being seven in number after that he searched us running his hand into our pockets to see if we had any arms what finding nothing but pocket knives he took them and carried them off.
Either the next day or the day after
spent several days in searching the statute to find some authority to hold a court martial the troops that were said that he had promised when they left that there were two or three that they should have the priviledge of shooting before they returned. But he could find none [p. 44[a]] and after a fruitless search of a number of days, he came again to see us and informed us that he would turn us over to the civil authorities for trial. In a day or two after that he in and said that he had received orders from the . accordingly the trial commenced A A on <in> the chair <bench> and attorney. This was surely a new kind of court it was not an inquisition nor yet a criminal court but a compound between. A looker on would be convinced that both the and were not try to if some or all of the prisoners had been guilty of some criminal act or acts. but on the contrary their object was to try by all means in their power to get some person to swear some criminal thing against though they were inocent
The first act of the court was to send out a body of armed men to obtain witnesses without any process civil process whatever and after witnesses were brought before the court they were swore at Bayonet point. Dr was the first brought before the court. He had previously told Mr that if he -- wished to save himself he would <must> swear hard against the heads of the church as they were the ones the court wanted to criminate and if he would swear hard against [p. [44[b]]] them they would that is, neither court nor mob, disturb him. I intend to do it in order to escape said he in order to escape for if I do not they will take my life. To aid him in this work there was standing this a body of armed men. A part of this armed body stood in the presence of the court to see that the witnesses swore right. and an other part was scouring the country to drive out of it every witness that they could hear of whose testimony would go be favourable to the defendents This course was kept up during the whole time [of] the court. If a witness did not swear to please the court he or she would [be] threatened with being cast into prison. They never pleased the court when thier testimony was favorable to the defendents. One instance is all the proof that need be aduced on this head a man by the name of Allen was called on. He began to tell the story about burning houses in the south part of . He was kicked out of the house and three men took after him with loaded guns and he hardly ascaped with his life. Every witness which the defendents had that these creatures knew of and they made diligent search to find all they could was either arested under pretence of some charge or else driven off.
when a witness did not swear [p. 45[a]] to please the attorney he would order them to be taken into custody and they were immediately cast into prison and the next morning they would be brought forward and tried again. Such was the course the court and thier armed body persued during their sittings till they got through. By such means they got men to swear for them. and to swear too most unhallowed falshoods. It was indeed suborning witnesses to swear to promise a man life if he would swear and death or imprisonment if he did not swear and not only swear but swear to please them.
This matter of driving away witness[es] or casting them into prison or else chasing them out of the country was carried to such a length, that our lawyers and told us not to bring our witnesses there at all for if we did there would [not] one of them be left in the country again[s]t the day of final trial for no sooner would and his men know who they were than they would put them out of the country As to making any impression on ; If an Cohort of angels were to come down and declare we were clear said it would all be the same for he had determined from the begining to Cast us into prison. we never had the priviledge [p. [45[b]]] We never got the priveledge of introducing our witnesses at all. If we had, we could have disproved all they swore.
We here must rather go back a little, for after arived at , he arested a great many persons an account of which will be found in the memmorial of the citizens of to the legislature of . Their trial also went on at the same time. One thing in relation to ’s proceeding we forgot to mention, we will insert it here. After he had arived, some persons made aplication for a priviledge to go and plunder houses for goods; this was readily granted; and under this authority, houses were plundered, locks broken, and property taken at pleasure; and all this without any civil process whatever.
We will here give a specimen specimen or two of their swearing. We will first introduce . This said was angry at one of the prisoners, in consequence of a lawsuit existing between them. we suppose thought he had a fair oppertunity now to take vengence in swearing against him, so he swore that in [p. 46[a]] he saw have a Clock in his arms. There had been a Clock found in some hazel bushes somewhere in the neighbourhood of , this Clock a man in swore to be his, it was presented to , and swore positively that that was the Clock he saw have in . Now the truth is, that the clock which had, belonged to another man, who had it at that time, and has it at this, if he has not sold it; and it is now in . This could have proven if he could have introduced his witnesses. For this he was bound over to appear at <the> court, in the sum of one thousand dollars. Another by the name of < [Andrew] Job> whose mother had gone to the house of , and swore to a feather bed which was in his house to be <was> hers: after she got she away, she said “she never had a bed since she lived in . But she said she she wanted one of old <’s> beds.” Her son came to the court to swear against for stealing, and accordingly swore that his mother’s bed was found in his house. The question was asked, how [p. [46[b]]] he knew it was his mother’s bed, he <said> “had slept upon it, and he felt the stripes with his feet. his mother’s bed <had> a striped tick, and the stripes went two ways; and he felt them with his feet in the while laying on the bed.[”] He was again asked “if there was <were> not a sheet on the bed under him” he said “there was but still he felt the stripes in the <tick> through the sheet with his feet, so distinctly, that the he knew that they went <two ways,> and that it was his mother’s bed”: and that was the way they found out, his mother’s bed was there. proved in the mean time, that, that same bed had been in his house for many years. We give these as specimens of mens swearing. We might multiply them to a great number, but it would swell this narative beyond the limits allowed it. Let so much suffice.
The court at last closed its after on the 29th November, after a session of two weeks and three days. At the close of the court, and some few days before it closed, there were a considerable number of those who had been arrested by released. out of that number was Esq. who was one of the seven, who had been carried to and from thence to . They were either all released [p. 47[a]] or admitted to bail, excepting , , , , Joseph Smith Junr. , and , who were sent to Clay County to , to stand their trial for treason and Murder. The treason for having whipped the Mob out of , and taking their cannon from them; and the Murder; for the man killed in <the> s battle. Also , Morris Phelps, , , and Norman Shearer, who were put into Jail, to stand their trial for the same crimes. In December At this time the Legislature had commenced its Session, and the following Memorial was presented to the Senate and house of Representatives Respectfully, to obtain a body committee of to investigation investigate the whole afair pertaining to the s Order, the operations of the Mob, and the conduct and opperations of the Militia while at . <-[here comes the memorial]-> But After much Legislation, disputation, and controversy, and angry speechifying, as the papers of published at the time abundantly testify, The Petition and Memorial, were laid on the table untill the July following; thus utterly refusing to grant the Memorialists their request, or thereby refusing to investigate the subject, and there it stands untill this day, uninvestigated by any legal authority.
After we were cast into prison, we heard nothing but threatnings, that if any Judge or Jury or Court of any kind, should clear any of us, that we should never get out of the alive. This soon determined our Course, and that was to escape out of their hands as soon as we could, and by any means we could. After we had been some length of time in prison, we demanded a Habaes Corpus of , one of the Judges, which with some considerable reluctance was granted; great threatnings were made at this time by the mob, that if any of us were [p. [47[b]]] liberated, we should never get out of the alive. After the investigation, of our number was released from prison by the decision of the . The remainder were again committed to Jail. He also returned with them, untill a favorable opportunity offerd, which through the friendship of the Sherriff, Mr Samuel Hadley, and the Jailor, Mr Samuel Tillery, he was let out of the secretly, in the night; and being Solemnly warned by them to be out of the with as little delay as possible, he made his escape, being pursued by a body of armed men. it was Through the direction of a kind providence that he escaped out of their hands, and he safely arrived in Illinois, this was in the February AD 1839
In the May following, the remainder that were in , were taken to to be tried by a Grand Jury of the Principal Mobbers; in order to see if a bill of indictment could be found, as might be expected from the character of the Jury, Bills were found. They obtained a change of venue to accordingly the Sheriff of with guards started to take them from to on their way after a day or two’s journey, one evening the guards got drunk, they left them: and also made their escape to Illinois.
Those that were in Jail, were brought to trial, but no bills of indictment were found against and Norman Shearer, and they were released and sent home. Bills A Bill was <were> found against , Morris Phelps, , <for murder> and also a man by the name of , for Roberry. They also obtaine’d a change of venue for <to> , and were carried thither, and put into Jail, and these remained untill the fourth of
-[turn over]- [p. [48[a]]]
July, at this time the town was all hilarity and mirth at the celebration. They also made a flag and had it placed over the Jail door. In the evening, when the Jailor brought in their suppers, they walked out at the door, that is , Morris Phelps, and , continued, the others were closely pursued, and was retaken and carried back; but the other two effected their escape to the state of , Some time afterwards , had his trial, and was acquitted, remains in prison to this day 26th. of February <October> AD 1839.
As to those that were left in the Counties of and , they were making all possible exertion through the entire winter to get away. Contrary to the terms stipulated with Generals and , granting them the privelege of being there untill Spring, bodies of armed men were riding through the town of , in the County of , threatning death to them if they were not out in the Month of February, and otherwise insulting, and abusing them. They continued, however, to exert themselves, with all the power and means they had in their hands, <to get out> many of them were sick; large numbers had no teams <waggons> nor <any any> means of Conveyance. Having been robbed, yea completely robbed, of all they had; great exertions therefore had to be made by those who had means, to convey away those who had none, through great exertion, and untimely