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Discourse, 5 February 1840

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Discourse, 5 February 1840

Source Note

JS, Discourse, , 5 Feb. 1840. Featured version in , Letter, , to , , New York Co., NY, 6 Feb. 1840; handwriting of ; three pages; CHL. Includes address, dockets, and notation.
Bifolium measuring 10⅛ × 7⅛ inches (26 × 18 cm) and containing twenty-eight printed lines on each page. The document was trifolded in letter style and sealed with a red adhesive wafer.
It is unclear precisely when and from whom the Church Historian’s Office received the document. The docketing by suggests that the office may have possessed the document as early as 1845, when Bullock inscribed entries dated February 1840—including this discourse—for JS’s 1838–1856 history. In any case, the historian’s office had the letter by the time Bullock stopped working for the office in 1856. The letter appears in later office inventories, suggesting continuous institutional custody since 1845.

Footnotes

  1. [1]

    Jessee, “Writing of Joseph Smith’s History,” 441; JS History, vol. C-1, 1014–1015.

    Jessee, Dean C. “The Writing of Joseph Smith’s History.” BYU Studies 11 (Summer 1971): 439–473.

  2. [2]

    “Index to Papers in the Historians Office,” ca. 1904, draft, 4; “Index to Papers in the Historians Office,” ca. 1904, 4, Historian’s Office, Catalogs and Inventories, 1846–1904, CHL.

    Historian’s Office. Catalogs and Inventories, 1846–1904. CHL. CR 100 130.

Historical Introduction

On 5 February 1840, JS preached a discourse in in which he described his religious beliefs. The only extant record of this discourse is in a letter wrote to his wife, . Matthew Davis, a former Whig editor and printer and an Aaron Burr biographer, was present in the audience to hear JS preach. Though a resident, Davis was working in Washington as a political correspondent for the New York Courier and Enquirer and as a news correspondent on American affairs for the Times. His interest in hearing JS speak does not appear to have been linked to his profession but was rather, as he explained to his wife, born from a desire “to understand his [JS’s] tenets, as Explained by himself.” It is unknown in what venue JS delivered this discourse or how it was generally received by those in attendance. Later reminiscences claim that JS spoke frequently and in a variety of settings during his stay in the national capital and that he often attracted large crowds that included prominent political leaders.
According to this record of the discourse and contemporaneous letters written by JS and other leaders, rumors about JS and the church apparently had spread throughout the country, and JS wanted to emphasize that they were false. JS may have been responding here to specific allegations that George G. Cookman, a prominent Methodist clergyman, had recently preached against him. It is also possible that JS was addressing the public’s general misunderstandings of the church. JS and other church leaders hoped that preaching, coupled with letters published in eastern newspapers, would help to dispel falsehoods about the church’s teachings and win public support for their efforts to obtain redress and reparations from the federal government.
The discourse lasted over two hours as JS addressed many aspects of the church’s beliefs, including the attributes of God, the difference between omniscience and predestination, the divinity of Jesus Christ, the fall of Adam, the rejection of the doctrine of original sin, the Bible as scripture, the eternal nature of the soul, the finite nature of humankind’s postmortal punishment, and the divine origins of the Book of Mormon. Near the end of the discourse, JS denied charges that he held himself up to his followers as a savior or miracle worker.
indicated that he sent his report of the discourse in order to satisfy his and his ’s curiosity regarding JS and the church. Near the close of this letter, Davis wrote, “I have changed my opinion of the Mormons. They are an injured and much abused people. Of matters of Faith, you know I Express no opinion.” In addition to recounting JS’s discourse, Davis included a physical description of JS, writing that he appeared to be “from 40 to 45 years of age; rather above the middle stature, and what you ladies would call a good looking man” and that he dressed like “a plain, unpretending Citizen.” Davis also described JS’s comportment and speaking style, stating that JS was “not an Educated man” but “a plain, sensible, strong minded man.” Davis added that JS spoke “in a manner to leave an impression that he is sincere,” with “no levity—no fanaticism—no want of dignity in his deportment.”
The report of JS’s discourse featured here constitutes the bulk of ’s letter to his . The single paragraph that precedes Davis’s summary of JS’s remarks contains the aforementioned description of JS’s appearance, demeanor, and communication style. Two paragraphs follow the summary, in which Davis expressed his changed opinion of the Mormons and conveyed kind sentiments to his family. In a postscript, Davis added that JS “does not believe in infant baptism, sprinkling but in immersion, and eight years of age.”
It is unclear how sent the letter to his . He possibly dispatched the letter to by a private party because the letter bears no postmark. Mary Davis presumably received and read the letter before relinquishing possession of it. When and how it came to the Church Historian’s Office is also unclear. It is possible that she gave it to one of the many church missionaries who passed through New York during the 1840s and that this missionary then carried it to , Illinois.

Footnotes

  1. [1]

    “Death of Another Old Resident,” New-York Commercial Advertiser (New York City), 22 June 1850, [2]; “The Late Matthew L. Davis,” New-York Commercial Advertiser, 27 June 1850, [1]. Davis wrote under the pseudonym “Spy in Washington” for the New York Courier and Enquirer and the pseudonym “A Genevese Traveller” for the London Times.

    Commercial Advertiser. New York City. 1820–1863.

  2. [2]

    Matthew L. Davis, Washington DC, to Mary Davis, New York City, NY, 6 Feb. 1840, CHL.

    Davis, Matthew L. Letter, Washington DC, to Mary Davis, New York City, NY, 6 Feb. 1840. CHL. MS 522.

  3. [3]

    According to Representative John Reynolds of Illinois, JS “stood at the time fair and honorable, as far as we knew at the City of Washington, except his fanaticism on religion. The sympathies of the people were in his favor,” and he “preached often in the city.” Robert D. Foster recalled organizing around the end of January 1840 a large meeting “in the open air on Pennsylvania Avenue” and another in “Carusi’s Saloon” (on the corner of 11th and C streets), which he called “one of the largest and most suitable rooms in the city, outside the capitol building.” JS, having just arrived by train from Philadelphia, addressed an audience that, according to Foster, included “a great many of the members of Congress and heads of departments,” including Henry Clay, John Quincy Adams, and President Martin Van Buren. (Reynolds, My Own Times, 575; Robert D. Foster, “A Testimony of the Past,” True Latter Day Saints’ Herald, 15 Apr. 1875, 228–229; Watterson, New Guide to Washington, 85, 145.)

    Reynolds, John. My Own Times: Embracing Also, the History of My Life. Belleville, IL: B. H. Perryman and H. L. Davison, 1855.

    Saints’ Herald. Independence, MO. 1860–.

    Watterson, George. A New Guide to Washington. Washington DC: Robert Farnham, 1842.

  4. [4]

    Cookman was a chaplain in the United States Senate and a well-known preacher in the national capital. On 29 December 1839, Cookman reportedly preached against JS and the church, claiming falsely that he had interviewed JS the week before. (Ridgaway, Life of the Rev. Alfred Cookman, 76–80; Robert D. Foster, “A Testimony of the Past,” True Latter Day Saints’ Herald, 15 Apr. 1875, 227–228; Letter from Robert D. Foster, 24 Dec. 1839.)

    Ridgaway, Henry B. The Life of the Rev. Alfred Cookman; with Some Account of His Father, the Rev. George Grimston Cookman. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1873.

    Saints’ Herald. Independence, MO. 1860–.

  5. [5]

    Four days after this discourse, Parley P. Pratt and Elias Higbee also wrote an address to the people of Washington DC attempting to explain the church’s beliefs to the public and win support for the church’s appeal to Congress. (Letter from James Adams, 4 Jan. 1840; Letter to Editor, 22 Jan. 1840; Elias Higbee and Parley P. Pratt, “An Address,” Times and Seasons, Mar. 1840, 1:68–70.)

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

  6. [6]

    M. L. Davis to M. Davis, 6 Feb. 1840, underlining in original.

    Davis, Matthew L. Letter, Washington DC, to Mary Davis, New York City, NY, 6 Feb. 1840. CHL. MS 522.

  7. [7]

    M. L. Davis to M. Davis, 6 Feb. 1840, underlining in original.

    Davis, Matthew L. Letter, Washington DC, to Mary Davis, New York City, NY, 6 Feb. 1840. CHL. MS 522.

  8. [8]

    M. L. Davis to M. Davis, 6 Feb. 1840, underlining in original.

    Davis, Matthew L. Letter, Washington DC, to Mary Davis, New York City, NY, 6 Feb. 1840. CHL. MS 522.

  9. [9]

    Missionaries passing through New York City between 1840 and 1845 included several members of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles who were returning from England in May 1841 and Parley P. Pratt, who traveled to New York City when campaigning for JS in the presidential election of 1844. (Woodruff, Journal, 23 May 1841; “Jeffersonian Meeting,” Prophet, 15 June 1844, [3].)

    Woodruff, Wilford. Journals, 1833–1898. Wilford Woodruff, Journals and Papers, 1828–1898. CHL. MS 1352.

    The Prophet. New York City, NY. May 1844–Dec. 1845.

Asterisk (*) denotes a "featured" version, which includes an introduction and annotation. *Discourse, 5 February 1840 History, 1838–1856, volume C-1 [2 November 1838–31 July 1842] “History of Joseph Smith”
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degrade and brutalize the human species. There was much in his precepts, if they were followed, that would soften the asperities of man towards man, and that would tend to make him a more rational being than he is generally found to be. There was no violence; no fury; no denunciation. His religion appears to be the religion of meekness; lowliness, and mild persuasion.
To <​Towards​> the close of his address, he remarked that he had been represented as pretending to be a Saviour, a Worker of Miracles, &c. All this was false. He made no such pretensions. He was but a man, he said— a plain untutored <​man​>; seeking what he should do to be saved. He performed no miracles. He did not pretend to possess any such power
He closed by referring to the Mormon Bible, which, he said, contained nothing inconsistent or conflicting with the Christian Bible. And he again repeated,
that all who would follow the precepts of the Bible whether Mormon or not, would assuredly be saved. Throughout his whole address, he displayed, strongly, a spirit of Charity and Forbearance
The Mormon Bible, he said, was communicated to him, direct from Heaven. If there was such a thing on Earth, as the Author of it, then he (Smith) was the Author; but the idea that he wished to impress was, that he had penned it as dictated by God. [p. [3]]
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Source Note

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Document Information

Related Case Documents
Editorial Title
Discourse, 5 February 1840
ID #
513
Total Pages
3
Print Volume Location
JSP, D7:175–179
Handwriting on This Page
  • Matthew L. Davis

Footnotes

  1. [6]

    The early Latter-day Saints believed strongly in exercising gifts of the Spirit but insisted on attributing the power to God rather than to human ability. In 1838 JS presented this viewpoint as an answer to a commonly asked question: “Can they [the Latter-day Saints] raise the dead. Answer. No, nor any other people that now lives or ever did live. But God can raise the dead through man, as an instrument.” JS followed this with a closely related question and answer: “What signs do Jo Smith give of his divine mission. Answer. The signs which God is pleased to let him give: according as his wisdom thinks best: in order that he may judge the world agreably to his own plan.” (Questions and Answers, 8 May 1838.)

  2. [7]

    The Book of Mormon.

  3. [8]

    Likely influenced by public discourses JS gave at this time, Orson Pratt published a pamphlet in fall 1840 that similarly asserted that “the gospel in the ‘Book of Mormon’ is the same as that in the New Testament, and is revealed in great plainness, so that no one that reads it can misunderstand its principles.” (Pratt, Interesting Account, 30.)

  4. [9]

    In 1832 JS and Sidney Rigdon gave an account of a vision in which they saw three degrees of postmortal glory. They wrote that, whereas only faithful Latter-day Saints would receive the highest “kingdom” of glory, the middle kingdom of heaven would include “honorable men of the earth” who would “receive of the presence of the son but not of the fulness of the father.” (Vision, 16 Feb. 1832 [D&C 76:75, 77].)

  5. [10]

    JS was named as the “AUTHOR AND PROPRIETOR” of the Book of Mormon on its title page, but only to satisfy copyright conventions. JS provided only a general description of the translation of the Book of Mormon in the preface to the book’s 1830 edition, in which he wrote that he had translated the book “by the gift and power of God.” Even before the book was published, critics of JS and the church accused him of fabricating the entire book or copying it from another source. (Title Page of Book of Mormon, ca. Early June 1829; Preface to Book of Mormon, ca. Aug. 1829; Howe, Mormonism Unvailed, 278–280; “Joseph Smith Documents Dating through June 1831.”)

    Howe, Eber D. Mormonism Unvailed: Or, A Faithful Account of That Singular Imposition and Delusion, from Its Rise to the Present Time. With Sketches of the Characters of Its Propagators, and a Full Detail of the Manner in Which the Famous Golden Bible Was Brought before the World. To Which Are Added, Inquiries into the Probability That the Historical Part of the Said Bible Was Written by One Solomon Spalding, More Than Twenty Years Ago, and by Him Intended to Have Been Published as a Romance. Painesville, OH: By the author, 1834.

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