Joseph Smith Documents from February through November 1841

On 19 January 1841, Joseph Smith dictated a revelation that guided the spiritual development of the and the physical development of the city of , Illinois, the designated gathering place for members of the church. Among its many instructions, the revelation called on the Saints to build a where both doctrine and ritual could be expanded and to construct a boardinghouse called the to accommodate visitors to the burgeoning city. These construction projects promised to strengthen the church and enhance the city—the temple would contain the first font for proxy , and the boardinghouse would create a welcoming place for visitors and new arrivals, including curious travelers and immigrating converts, who were already beginning to pour into Nauvoo.
From February through November 1841, hundreds who were not church members visited the city and witnessed its impressive growth as they interacted with Latter-day Saints and their leader, Joseph Smith. One of these observers, Thomas Wentworth Storrow, a sixty-one-year-old merchant on a leisure journey to the West, left a detailed account of his July 1841 visit to . With an attentive eye, Storrow described a blossoming city led by Joseph Smith, “the only one who openly exercises the gift of prophecy and professes to have revelation direct with the Deity.” Entries in Storrow’s journal provide a revealing snapshot of Joseph Smith’s Nauvoo. He arrived at a time filled with optimism, but problems were brewing under the calm surface, particularly with neighbors not of the faith.
Covering ten months in 1841, the documents in this volume of The Joseph Smith Papers illustrate both the growth and the mounting tensions of the time. The documents also highlight related topics, such as city building and urban planning, land and financial transactions, the gathering of the Saints, and important doctrinal developments. Managing the church and city spurred an increase in documentary production during 1841—the extant documentary record of Joseph Smith from February through November 1841 includes more than 450 documents. Because of this large number and because most of the documents are routine in nature, this volume of The Joseph Smith Papers is selective, including only ninety-nine documents. The volume is divided into four parts, each containing about twenty-five documents. Nearly every document genre from this period is represented. For example, dozens of receipts from the building committee to Joseph Smith as the trustee-in-trust for the church are extant, and one is featured herein as a representative sample. Other genres represented include ecclesiastical licenses, land deeds, business documents, and legal documents. In addition, a wide variety of unusual document types are reproduced in this volume, including a religious proclamation, a Nauvoo City Council committee report, a memorandum, an interview, and the benediction for the southeast cornerstone of the Nauvoo temple. This volume also contains a selection of meeting minutes. Joseph Smith played a major role in a variety of organizations, including the Nauvoo City Council and the , and minutes of meetings in which he participated in significant ways are included herein. Finally, this volume presents from this period fifteen of Joseph Smith’s extant discourses, all forty-six extant letters, and all three extant revelations.
In 1841 Joseph Smith was busily engaged in managing lands and encouraging the construction of major buildings in the growing city of . Visitors sent observations of Nauvoo to their hometown newspapers, estimating the population (ranging from three thousand to ten thousand Latter-day Saints) and commenting on the hundreds of buildings dotting the bank of the . “Before us,” noted one visitor, “is the beginning of a great city—a noble bottom land, already half covered with cabins.” The Nauvoo received the most attention. One observer declared that it was “a fac simile of that Temple which was built by Solomon, and trod by the Savior.” Storrow remarked that it promised to be “a very large edifice,” and another account gave its measurements as 127 by 88 feet.
By early April the foundation was ready for the celebratory placement of the cornerstone. Joseph Smith invited many outside the faith from surrounding communities, including , the editor of the Warsaw Signal, to attend the 6 April ceremony. Observers speculated on the cost of building such a structure. Storrow estimated “about $20,000,” while Joseph Smith reportedly told a visitor that he thought it would ultimately be “$200,000 or $300,000.” To lessen the financial burden, Latter-day Saints, both male and female, donated a tenth of their labor, cash, or other resources, directing their contributions to Joseph Smith, the church’s trustee-in-trust, so he could purchase supplies for the temple’s construction. Joseph Smith and other church leaders encouraged Latter-day Saints to gather to to aid in the ongoing work on the temple and on other public buildings, especially the .
New construction signaled population growth and reflected the Saints’ awareness of the call to in . The gathering of the Latter-day Saints to the area emerges frequently as a topic in Joseph Smith documents from February through November 1841. As early as May 1839, Nauvoo had become a gathering place for the Saints, and further instruction to build up the city came in January 1841. A March 1841 revelation directed the Saints to “gather themselves together unto the places which I shall appoint unto them by my servant Joseph, and build up cities unto my name” along the near Nauvoo. At the church’s April 1841 , church leaders again spoke strongly about the need for the Saints to come to Nauvoo. On 24 May 1841, Smith wrote an open letter addressed to all church members residing outside the Nauvoo area, directing them to relocate primarily to , Illinois. During his visit in July 1841, Storrow noted in his journal that Joseph Smith “came to this country for the purpose of gathering in the Saints at the latter day.” Even outsiders could see that Smith and other leaders urged the faithful to move to Nauvoo to build the , advance the city’s industries, and support the poor.
Thousands of Latter-day Saints heeded the call. The Cleveland Daily Herald reported that a wagon train from Oswego County, New York, “well rigged for journeying, passed our office yesterday, containing over 100 Mormons, big and little, bound for the Promised Land.” The Herald commented further that the people of the company “appeared to be intelligent and in very comfortable circumstances . . . and that unshaken faith in Joe Smith was enjoyed by all.” Although many followed the counsel to gather, others did not. Smith’s 24 May 1841 letter disbanded all organizations except those in and in , Iowa Territory, directly across the to the west of . Yet not all stakes ceased their activities. , the president of the , Ohio, stake, for instance, not only kept the Kirtland stake in operation but also actively encouraged those traveling west through Kirtland to stay and build up the church there instead. Babbitt’s reluctance to comply exemplifies the difficulties Joseph Smith faced in managing the gathering of a large number of people in an ever-expanding church organization.
To aid in the gathering, missionaries were sent to preach, baptize, and bring converts back to . In July 1838 the had been directed to “go over the great waters” and proselytize in the British Isles. Those apostles who went arrived in early 1840 and continued their work into April 1841. Through their efforts, thousands in converted to the Latter-day Saint faith, and many of those converts then relocated to Nauvoo. By 1841 those converts were steadily streaming into Nauvoo. More than one hundred arrived in Nauvoo in the winter of 1840 and hundreds more were on the way. In January 1841 the called on the British Saints to “dispose of their effects . . . and remove to our city and county.” In response, over eight hundred Saints migrated from the British Isles to Nauvoo by mid-July 1841. As Storrow noted, the Saints in Nauvoo had “chosen a delightful residence in & their numbers are increasing, by converts in this country, besides many who frequently come from England.” The New-York Tribune also commented in April 1841 that “the Mormons, at Nauvoo, Illinois, recently had an accession of two hundred disciples from England, via .”
Only men served as Latter-day Saint missionaries during this period; rarely did a wife or family accompany them. When and left for , their wives, Mary Ann Angell Young and , remained in to help build the , provide for their families, and situate the incoming English converts and others arriving in the city. This arrangement was typical of most missionaries and their families, though and his wife, , were a notable exception. While serving his mission in 1840, Pratt sailed from England to , gathered Mary Ann and their children, and sailed back to England with them to resume his mission. By spring 1841 many of the apostles had ended their proselytizing in England and returned to assist Joseph Smith in managing the growing church in Nauvoo, while Pratt remained in Britain to preside there.
Missionaries were also sent throughout the . Letters written to Joseph Smith from locations such as , , , and elsewhere illustrate the expansion of proselytizing in the eastern United States. For example, became the first Latter-day Saint missionary to Louisiana. Sagers was assigned to after church members Eli Terrill and Elam Ludington petitioned Joseph Smith in January 1841 to “send help to this city before the people perish, for it is a time of great excitement here, send us a Peter, or an apostle to preach unto us Jesus.” In a letter to Joseph Smith, Sagers reported good prospects for growth among crowded congregations who were interested in hearing about the church.
While the letters from missionaries in the and Britain mentioned converts, the letters from apostle en route to had a different focus. At a church conference in April 1840, apostles Orson Hyde and were called to serve a unique mission—rather than being assigned to proselytize, they were asked to collect information regarding the gathering of the Jews. Hyde and Page were officially appointed to travel to “, , Constantinople and Jerusalem” to converse with “Elders of the Jews” and to publish their findings “throughout the United States.” Sometime in late August 1840, the two apostles separated in , with Page attempting to raise funds for the mission and Hyde venturing on to before sailing overseas alone. Page, meanwhile, traveled through , , and other locations in the eastern United States before spending time in and New York City. Page ultimately abandoned the mission abroad and wrote to Joseph Smith to explain the situation; church members in vouched for his proselytizing efforts and advocated on his behalf to Joseph Smith, who was displeased with Page’s failure to complete his assignment.
While remained in the , arrived on 3 March 1841 in , England, where he began sending intermittent reports to Joseph Smith in . Following the directives given in his original appointment, Hyde sought information regarding the “views and movements of the Jewish people.” He attempted to visit the Chief Rabbi of Great Britain, . However, when he called on Hirschell at the Great Synagogue of , Hyde was informed that the rabbi had suffered injuries from a recent accident and was unable to grant him an audience. Hyde then wrote Hirschell a letter concerning the gathering of the Jews and copied it into his correspondence with Joseph Smith. Undeterred, Hyde pressed on to the Netherlands, , and Turkey before eventually reaching , where on 24 October 1841 he prayed over the land, dedicating Palestine for the “gathering together of Judah’s scattered remnants.” Throughout his journey, Hyde sought opportunities to gather information and to compose and translate materials on church doctrine and history. His writings were among the first church materials published in languages other than English.
As the success of the missionaries brought an influx of Saints to , Joseph Smith and other leaders faced the challenge of managing land purchases and distributing land to new arrivals. A major part of this land management involved handling impending debt payments owed by Joseph Smith and the church. Debts incurred in from 1835 through 1838 periodically resurfaced as debtors and collectors sought out Joseph Smith, but most pressing in 1841 was the debt on the “Hotchkiss Purchase.” In August 1839, , , and —land speculators from —sold Joseph Smith, , and nearly five hundred acres in the , Illinois, area (later Nauvoo). The agreement with Hotchkiss stated that annual interest payments of $3,000 were due beginning in 1840. Apparently, Hotchkiss agreed to defer the 1840 payment for a year, which brought the first interest payment due in August 1841.
Because church members in western lacked liquid assets, Joseph Smith formulated a plan whereby members in the eastern could help ease the church’s land debt and support the growth of . The same 19 January 1841 revelation that called for the gathering of the Saints to Nauvoo also directed and to “accomplish the work my servant Joseph shall point out.” In February, Joseph Smith gave them written authorization to collect donations, to sell stock in the , and to promise church members in the eastern United States land in , Illinois, in exchange for their land in the East. The deeds to those eastern lands were then to be used as payment toward the debt owed to and his partners.
Documents reveal that and left in March 1841 to acquire land in the eastern that could then be transferred to as debt payment. For unknown reasons, however, Hyrum returned to in late April. Galland also failed to meet with Hotchkiss or transfer any property; it is unknown why Galland did not meet with Hotchkiss, but Joseph Smith mentioned that Galland might have been suffering from partial blindness. In June, Hyrum was sent again from Nauvoo, this time with , to procure land and settle with Hotchkiss, but no apparent progress was made from this second initiative. Illness forced Hyrum to return to Nauvoo in August. After his second return to Nauvoo, Hyrum informed JS that he had left Galland with “nearly enough” real estate to settle with Hotchkiss. Without having settled any of the debt, however, Galland informed Hotchkiss in July that he was returning to the West; he referred Hotchkiss to for payment on the debt.
While the church’s worked to secure payment, Joseph Smith and corresponded, each expressing frustration with the lack of payment on the looming debts and each declaring his hope that arrangements could be made to facilitate payment. Despite the correspondence and Joseph Smith’s continued efforts to send agents, the interest payment was still outstanding in August when arranged to meet and facilitate the transfer of property in , New Jersey, that had belonged to church members and . Hotchkiss agreed on 11 October to accept the property in New Egypt to settle the interest payment. At the conclusion of 1841, the payment had not been made to Hotchkiss, but negotiations were underway to determine the value of the Ivinses’ property in and whether it would be sufficient to cover the first interest payment.
Even while he struggled to pay for real estate the church had purchased, Joseph Smith began looking for new land on which incoming Saints could settle. On 16 August, Smith convened a special church conference during which he announced that the church would build up a number of new settlements, including a town just south of that was to be named , Illinois. The Warsaw Signal reported on the Latter-day Saints’ efforts to buy land for the settlement and commented, “We sincerely hope, this curse will be spared us.” Due to opposition from neighboring citizens, the Warren settlement ended almost as soon as it began, but Joseph Smith, the apostles, and other church leaders continued to plan how best to accommodate the influx of Latter-day Saints in 1841.
At the same 16 August 1841 conference, weary of his multiplying responsibilities, Joseph Smith altered the management of the church’s temporal affairs. Members of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles had recently returned from their successful mission to , and Smith was eager to have them help with the church’s administrative and financial business so that he could focus more on spiritual matters. Since at least June 1840, Smith had sought to be relieved from his duties in the development of the city of , including land sales. At the 16 August conference, which was held in part so that Nauvoo Saints would understand and sustain the new administrative responsibility of the apostles, Joseph Smith gave the apostles direct responsibility to “manage the affairs of the kingdom” in Nauvoo.
Though he eventually shifted some of his church administrative responsibilities, Joseph Smith was active in civic affairs and played a significant role on the city council. The City Council began work two days after the first general election in Nauvoo on 1 February 1841. He introduced numerous city ordinances and shaped many of the debates found in the minutes of the council’s meetings. In a 1 March 1841 city council meeting, for instance, Smith proposed an ordinance “in relation to religious Societies,” providing for “free toleration and equal Privilieges” for all religious sects and denominations. This ordinance, which the council passed, highlighted his and the council’s commitment to guarantee civil, political, and religious liberty to all in Nauvoo. Other city ordinances had far-reaching implications. For example, in the city council’s first meeting, Smith presented an ordinance to organize the , a militia body authorized in the Nauvoo charter. This independent municipal militia met for the first time on 4 February 1841, and Joseph Smith was appointed lieutenant general, the highest rank in the legion. Independent of the greater state militia, yet still subject to the governor, the legion was a symbol of empowerment for the city.
That symbolism was not lost on visitors and commentators outside the faith. Thomas Storrow wrote at length in his journal about the Nauvoo Legion:
The Mormons have suffered in their formation and progress so much from open violence that they have been forced to enrol themselves into a “Mormon Legion” which numbers 1500 men all armed and subject to monthly drills. . . . The officers seemed to know their military duty and the men were evidently under better discipline than any of the militia at the East. The Mormons do not depend wholly on spiritual weapons, but are preparing to use the arm of flesh for defense, and some people think, even for attack, tho this assertion may be a calumny raised by their enemies, who are rather numerous.
The Daily National Intelligencer, a newspaper, reported that the legion was a protective measure because the Latter-day Saints did “not intend to be driven out of as they were from .” The New-York Tribune similarly reported: “What appears to excite particular aversion or alarm, is the organization of what is called the Nuuvoo Legion—who muster every few days, ‘all harnessed for war.’ . . . Our belief has been, that the Mormon Legion has been organized for defence, as in case of an attack, as in Missouri.” Though Joseph Smith and others worked to ensure the security of the Saints’ growing gathering place, the potential power of the independent municipal militia raised concern among neighbors outside the faith, including the outspoken editor of the Warsaw Signal, , who would become a primary antagonist of Smith and the church.
In addition to military and governmental advances in , the documents in this volume present developments in Latter-day Saint doctrine and religious instruction. Nearly one-fifth of the documents featured in this volume are discourses delivered by Joseph Smith. None of these discourse texts capture a complete sermon, word for word, nor do any derive from speaking notes created by Smith himself. Rather, various individuals recorded portions or summaries of the discourses, and Smith most likely did not oversee or review these written accounts. The resulting texts reflect only a fraction of the words spoken or ideas put forth by Joseph Smith. These incomplete sermon texts are further filtered by what the scribes decided was worth recording, the length of time between when the words were spoken and when the scribe recorded them, and the purpose for which the notes of the sermon were produced and preserved. Thus, there is no complete discourse—one that captures all or nearly all of the church president’s spoken words at any given meeting—featured in this volume. In fact, no record survives for most of the discourses delivered by Joseph Smith. He frequently lectured and preached in diverse settings throughout 1841, but this volume is limited to those for which a record survives.
One of the more extensive discourse texts featured in this volume is the account of a May 1841 sermon that was printed in the church newspaper Times and Seasons. Though the paper provided nearly nine hundred words of Joseph Smith’s sermon, the account was only a brief, “imperfect sketch” of what Smith had said in the discourse, which reportedly lasted more than two hours. The balance of this sermon, undoubtedly thousands more words, has been lost to history. Despite these limitations, the fragments of these sermons provide an invaluable glimpse not only of Joseph Smith’s beliefs but also of how he instructed his listeners.
Throughout the period covered in this volume, Joseph Smith spoke on a variety of religious, political, and economic matters. Eleven of the fifteen discourse texts featured in this volume were recorded by church member . Smith participated in lyceum meetings in , in which people gathered to learn about and discuss social, scientific, political, and religious ideas. McIntire provided accounts of several lyceum meetings, briefly noting the topics and occasionally some of the words spoken by the presenters. For example, in one meeting, Joseph Smith lectured about the Millennium, teaching that not every wicked person would be destroyed at the second coming of Christ. He also taught that “ cannot seduce us By his enticements unless we in our h[e]arts Consent & yeald— our organization [is] such that we can Resist the Devil If we were Not organized so we would Not be free agents.” He delivered other sermons in church conference settings or at weekly Sunday meetings. One of the discourses in this volume was delivered at a celebration of Independence Day, though very little of what was apparently an extensive speech was recorded.
For followers of Joseph Smith, one form of communication proved more authoritative than sermons delivered by their prophet: revelations. For the period covered by this volume, the revelations dictated by the church president are both few and brief. Two revelations in March dealt with practical considerations about settlement and the financing of construction projects in . Another revelation was directed to , commending him for his years of missionary service. As with sermon texts, Joseph Smith may have dictated more revelations than these three, but no other texts are known. Two of the revelations found herein were later canonized and widely published among Latter-day Saints.
Doctrinal developments emphasized the binding of families together in eternity, particularly through baptisms for the dead. In August 1840, Joseph Smith taught about and later authorized the performance of baptisms for the dead, in which living male and female church members could be baptized vicariously for deceased individuals. At the October 1840 general conference, Joseph Smith taught the Saints about the opportunity they had to “liberate their friends from bondage” and provide their dead ancestors “the privilege of comeing forth in the first resurrection.” Latter-day Saints praised this new doctrine and, as and observed, church members went often into the waters of the to perform vicarious baptismal ordinances.
The practice of baptism for the dead made national news in the summer of 1841 when the New-York Tribune, among other papers, reported that Latter-day Saints had performed a vicarious baptism for the nation’s first president, George Washington, and for its most recently deceased president, William Henry Harrison, who died on 4 April 1841. The Ohio Observer commented:
The Mormon doctrine is, that all who are so unhappy as to leave the world without embracing the fulness of the gospel, or the Mormon faith, will have a second probation after death, and have the gospel preached to them again. . . . Many of the spirits in prison do repent and believe, but being disembodied they cannot literally comply with the command of our Savior to be baptised.— Hence if they have living friends in the body, the duty of these friends is to come and be baptised in their stead. Neither is this an idle speculation or dead faith among them.— Many have actually been baptised for their deceased friends.
While some baptisms took place in other locations, including in under ’s leadership, the vast majority were performed in the , where such proxy baptisms continued for most of 1841.
Although baptisms for the dead were performed at a rapid pace—more than six thousand occurred in the in 1841 alone—Joseph Smith sought to move the practice to the location he taught was its proper place: the . According to a January 1841 revelation, the of baptism for the dead belonged in the temple, and the Saints would be allowed to perform the ordinance outside the temple for only a limited time. Joseph Smith declared at the October 1841 general conference, “There shall be no more baptisms for the dead, until the ordinance can be attended to in the font of the Lord’s House; and the church shall not hold another general conference, until they can meet in said house.” Church members were thus counseled to direct their energies to completing the baptismal font. The visitor Storrow commented on components of the font’s physical appearance. He wrote that a large well in the temple’s basement would supply the water source for the font, which he noted was made in the imitation of the “brazen sea in Solomon’s temple which is to be supported by twelve golden oxen.” The New-York Tribune also noted that the Latter-day Saints were “engaged in building a large temple, containing a baptismal font supported by twelve oxen overlaid with gold!” Indeed, Latter-day Saint carved twelve oxen, which were then leafed with gold, as the foundation for the font. On 8 November 1841, though the temple was not yet completed, this font was placed in the temple basement and dedicated. Baptisms for the dead began again on 21 November in the Nauvoo temple.
Another, more controversial doctrine that developed in 1841 was plural marriage. Although no documents in this volume address it, later documents attest that Joseph Smith married two plural wives during the months covered in this volume. Joseph Smith’s understanding of plural marriage seems to have developed over time, perhaps beginning as early as 1831 in . There is evidence that Smith began discussing with close associates some form of plural marriage in the early 1830s and that he first married a plural wife, , sometime in the mid-1830s. However, Smith did not begin practicing it extensively until the church was headquartered in . It appears that plural marriage was part of a broader restoration of Old Testament concepts and practices that included covenants, priesthoods, and temples. Although he had already been married to his wife for fourteen years, Joseph Smith privately married on 5 April 1841 and on 27 October 1841. Although few knew of Smith’s practice of plural marriage in 1841, his introduction of it eventually led to tensions within his inner circle of church leaders and confidants, within church society generally, and with neighbors and observers outside the church.
While appeared to be a place of relative security, calm, and optimism, friction and unrest—from sources other than plural marriage—were building as early as 1841. According to Thomas Storrow, the Saints in Nauvoo and their neighbors were “at perpetual feud, they accuse each other of all sorts of crimes, rob each other when good chances occur & vary the monotony of their lives by an occasional fight.” Indeed, as documents in this volume attest, theft committed by some Latter-day Saints led to conflict in 1841. One document in particular highlights Joseph Smith’s efforts to disavow thefts and other crimes.
Disputes between Latter-day Saints and their neighbors arose for a variety of reasons but can perhaps be distilled into the categories of legal entanglements, politics, and power. The first evidence in this volume of Joseph Smith’s legal trouble arose from charges dating back to 1838, when Smith was arrested and incarcerated following the conflict between Latter-day Saints and Missourians antagonistic to the church. Since his escape from custody in 1839, officials had hoped to extradite Smith and try him for treason and other criminal charges stemming from the conflict. On 5 June 1841, Smith was arrested at the Heberlin Hotel in , Illinois, on a September 1840 extradition writ from Missouri. Smith was conveyed to , Illinois, where , a Democrat and member of the State Supreme Court, agreed to hear his case, though Douglas changed the venue to , Illinois, some forty miles northeast of . The judge had visited Nauvoo approximately one month earlier, in May 1841, and had spoken favorably about the Saints, their industry, and the development of the city. Smith had conferred the “freedom of the city” upon Douglas because he had “proved himself friendly to this people” in direct contrast to the officials of Missouri. On 10 June 1841, Douglas heard Smith’s case and declared the writ of extradition void on a technicality. He determined that the arrest was made on the same writ issued in September 1840 even though that writ had been invalidated when it was returned to the governor of Missouri unserved. Douglas discharged Smith; critics, including vocal Whig , argued that the Latter-day Saint leader should have been delivered to Missouri to be tried for treason and that Douglas had shown preferential treatment to the Latter-day Saints, perhaps hoping to make them his political allies.
The discharge of Joseph Smith was only one of many issues on which , editor of the Warsaw Signal, sparred with the Latter-day Saints. Initially neutral in his approach to the Saints, Sharp shifted his rhetoric and published increasingly negative and antagonistic articles against the Latter-day Saints in 1841. Some of this vitriol may have originated in party politics—Sharp was an ardent and devoted Whig, while Joseph Smith and the Latter-day Saints vacillated in their party allegiance. But Sharp also feared the growing social, political, economic, and military power of the Saints and the consequences he believed could result from such power. He wrote, “Whenever they, as a people, step beyond the proper sphere of a religious denomination, and become a political body, as many of our citizens are beginning to apprehend will be the case, then this press stands pledged to take a stand against them.— On religious questions it is and shall remain neutral; but it is bound to oppose the concentration of political power in a religious body, or in the hands of a few individuals.” Sharp and others believed that the Saints held concentrated ecclesiastical, civil, and military authority and would use that power to deprive others of their “dearest rights,” notwithstanding the Nauvoo ordinance on religious freedom. He also believed that Joseph Smith could instruct and control Latter-day Saints in all aspects of their lives, and as evidence of this control, Sharp pointed to Smith’s open letter instructing the Saints to gather to . To oppose the “further progress of political Mormonism,” Sharp organized an anti-Mormon political party in . In the midst of Sharp’s contemptuous campaign, Joseph Smith canceled his subscription to the Signal, notifying its editor that “its contents are calculated to pollute me, and to patronize the filthy sheet—that tissue of lies—that sink of iniquity—is disgraceful to any moral man.” Such an acerbic statement did nothing to quell the growing animosity. Other Latter-day Saints followed Smith’s example. In the fall of 1841, and also discontinued their subscriptions to the Warsaw Signal, Phelps having charged the paper with printing “deliberate and wilful falsehood.”
The documents for the ten-month period represented in this volume provide a window through which to view and understand Joseph Smith, the Latter-day Saints and their neighbors, and and its environs in 1841. Many visitors from outside the church commented on aspects of life in and around Nauvoo, providing significant material for insight into Joseph Smith texts. Though some outside observers expressed apprehension regarding the growing influence of Latter-day Saints in the area, not all impressions were negative. Thomas Storrow noted the “morality, piety, virtue, honesty and righteousness” of the Saints. Whether curious or antagonistic, an increasing number of outsiders began taking note of Joseph Smith’s religious movement and its prosperity.
Compared to previous volumes of The Joseph Smith Papers, this volume contains fewer revelations from the man Latter-day Saints regarded as a prophet. Nevertheless, his role as leader of the Latter-day Saints remained firm as he led and managed the growing church, continued to instruct its people, and supported the building up of as the church’s gathering place. Progress on the , particularly the baptismal font, continued even as Joseph Smith engaged in shaping Nauvoo city government and managing the gathering of the Latter-day Saints to the Nauvoo area. Despite being heavily preoccupied with civic and business matters, Joseph Smith persevered in his spiritual leadership of the Latter-day Saints, preaching, blessing, and receiving revelation for members of the growing church. For Joseph Smith and the Saints, a sense of optimism buoyed Nauvoo at the end of 1841 because of the progress on the temple, the additional church administrative responsibilities undertaken by the Twelve Apostles, and the increasing number of members coming to the shores of the Mississippi. But tensions—both among church members and with those outside the church—continued to surface. Those pressures would result in new challenges for Joseph Smith and the church in the months and years to come.
  1. 1

    Revelation, 19 Jan. 1841 [D&C 124:22–31].  

  2. 2

    See, for example, Storrow, “Journey to the West,” 3 July 1841; “Nauvoo,” Sangamo Journal (Springfield, IL), 9 Feb. 1841, [2]; “Temperance among the Mormons,” North American and Daily Advertiser (Philadelphia), 19 Mar. 1841, [1]; “Jottings Down in Iowa,” New-York Tribune, 6 Aug. 1841, [1]; “The Mormons,” New-York Tribune, 29 Sept. 1841, [1]; and “The Mormons,” New York Herald, 1 Oct. 1841, [1].  

    Storrow, Thomas Wentworth. “Journey to the West,” no date. Storrow Family Papers, 1762–1999. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

    Sangamo Journal. Springfield, IL. 1831–1847.

    North American and Daily Advertiser. Philadelphia. 1839–1845.

    New-York Tribune. New York City. 1841–1842.

    New York Herald. New York City. 1835–1924.

  3. 3

    Storrow, “Journey to the West,” 3 July 1841.  

    Storrow, Thomas Wentworth. “Journey to the West,” no date. Storrow Family Papers, 1762–1999. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

  4. 4

    The documents not included in this volume can be found on the Joseph Smith Papers website, josephsmithpapers.org.  

  5. 5

    See “Temperance among the Mormons,” North American and Daily Advertiser (Philadelphia), 19 Mar. 1841, [1].  

    North American and Daily Advertiser. Philadelphia. 1839–1845.

  6. 6

    “Mormons and Mormonism,” Daily Missouri Republican (St. Louis), 25 Nov. 1841, [2].  

    Daily Missouri Republican. St. Louis. 1822–1869.

  7. 7

    “Mormons and Mormonism,” Daily Missouri Republican (St. Louis), 25 Nov. 1841, [2]; Storrow, “Journey to the West,” 3 July 1841; Interview, 3 Nov. 1841.  

    Daily Missouri Republican. St. Louis. 1822–1869.

    Storrow, Thomas Wentworth. “Journey to the West,” no date. Storrow Family Papers, 1762–1999. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

  8. 8

    Jacob, Reminiscence and Journal, 4; see also Benediction, 6 Apr. 1841.  

    Jacob, Norton. Reminiscence and Journal, May 1844–Jan. 1852. CHL. MS 9111.

  9. 9

    Storrow, “Journey to the West,” 3 July 1841; Interview, 3 Nov. 1841.  

    Storrow, Thomas Wentworth. “Journey to the West,” no date. Storrow Family Papers, 1762–1999. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

  10. 10

    “Mormons and Mormonism,” Daily Missouri Republican (St. Louis), 25 Nov. 1841, [2]; Elias Higbee, “Ecclesiastical,” Times and Seasons, 1 Feb. 1841, 2:296; Letter to Quorum of the Twelve, 15 Dec. 1840; Minutes and Discourse, 3–5 Oct. 1840; see also Receipt from Reynolds Cahoon, 11 Feb. 1841.  

    Daily Missouri Republican. St. Louis. 1822–1869.

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

  11. 11

    See Introduction to Part 4: 24 Apr.–12 Aug. 1839; and Revelation, 19 Jan. 1841 [D&C 124:51–55].  

  12. 12

    Revelation, ca. Early Mar. 1841 [D&C 125:2].  

  13. 13

    Minutes, 7–11 Apr. 1841.  

  14. 14

    Letter to the Saints Abroad, 24 May 1841.  

  15. 15

    Storrow, “Journey to the West,” 3 July 1841.  

    Storrow, Thomas Wentworth. “Journey to the West,” no date. Storrow Family Papers, 1762–1999. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

  16. 16

    See Minutes, 7–11 Apr. 1841; and Minutes, 16 Aug. 1841.  

  17. 17

    “For Nauvoo,” Cleveland Daily Herald, 7 July 1841, [3].  

    Cleveland Herald. Cleveland. 1843–1853.

  18. 18

    At least one hundred members joined the church in Kirtland between late May and mid-October 1841. (Minutes, Kirtland, OH, 22–24 May 1841, in Times and Seasons, 1 July 1841, 2:458–460; Letter from Almon Babbitt, 19 Oct. 1841.)  

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

  19. 19

    Revelation, 8 July 1838–A [D&C 118:4].  

  20. 20

    Historical Introduction to Letter to Vilate Murray Kimball, 2 Mar. 1841; Passenger Lists of Vessels Arriving at New York, 1820–1897, roll 44 (16 Sept. 1840–10 May 1841), Manifest 779, microfilm 2,289, U.S. and Canada Record Collection, FHL; John Taylor, Liverpool, England, to Leonora Cannon Taylor, Nauvoo, IL, 6 Sept. 1840, John Taylor, Collection, CHL; Clayton, Diary, 8 Sept. 1840; Letter to Quorum of the Twelve, 15 Dec. 1840; see also News Item, Times and Seasons, 1 Dec. 1840, 2:233; and Orson Pratt, Edinburgh, Scotland to George A. Smith, Burslem, England, 1 Feb. 1841, George Albert Smith, Papers, CHL.  

    U.S. and Canada Record Collection. FHL.

    Clayton, William. Diary, Vol. 1, 1840–1842. BYU.

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

    Smith, George Albert. Papers, 1834–1877. CHL. MS 1322.

  21. 21

    Proclamation, 15 Jan. 1841.  

  22. 22

    “British Emigration to Nauvoo,” 5–6, in Historian’s Office, Church Emigration, CHL.  

    Historian's Office. Church Emigration, no date. CHL.

  23. 23

    Storrow, “Journey to the West,” 3 July 1841.  

    Storrow, Thomas Wentworth. “Journey to the West,” no date. Storrow Family Papers, 1762–1999. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

  24. 24

    News Item, New-York Tribune, 20 Apr. 1841, [2]; see also “Mormonism in England,” North American and Daily Advertiser (Philadelphia), 10 Sept. 1841, [2].  

    New-York Tribune. New York City. 1841–1842.

    North American and Daily Advertiser. Philadelphia. 1839–1845.

  25. 25

    See Historical Introduction to Letter to Vilate Murray Kimball, 2 Mar. 1841.  

  26. 26

    Historical Introduction to Letter from Parley P. Pratt, 24 Oct. 1841.  

  27. 27

    See Revelation, 9 July 1841 [D&C 126]; and Minutes, 16 Aug. 1841.  

  28. 28

    See Letter from John E. Page, 1 Sept. 1841; Letter from Benjamin Winchester, 18 Sept. 1841; and Letter from Church Members in New York City, ca. 29 Nov. 1841.  

  29. 29

    “Summary,” Times and Seasons, 1 Mar. 1841, 2:339.  

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

  30. 30

    See Letter from John Taylor, 3 Feb. 1841; and Letter from Orson Hyde, 17 Apr. 1841.  

  31. 31

    Recommendation for Orson Hyde, 6 Apr. 1840; Minutes and Discourses, 6–8 Apr. 1840.  

  32. 32

    Letter from Orson Hyde, 28 Sept. 1840; Letter from Orson Hyde, 17 Apr. 1841.  

  33. 33

    Letter from John E. Page, 1 Sept. 1841; Letter from Church Members in New York City, ca. 29 Nov. 1841.  

  34. 34

    Letter from Orson Hyde, 17 Apr. 1841.  

  35. 35

    Recommendation for Orson Hyde, 6 Apr. 1840.  

  36. 36

    Letter from Orson Hyde, 15 June 1841.  

  37. 37

    Orson Hyde, Alexandria, Egypt, to Parley P. Pratt, [Manchester], England, 22 Nov. 1841, in Millennial Star, Jan. 1842, 2:133.  

    Latter-day Saints’ Millennial Star. Manchester, England, 1840–1842; Liverpool, 1842–1932; London, 1932–1970.

  38. 38

    See Letter from Orson Hyde and John E. Page, 1 May 1840; JS History, vol. C-1 Addenda Book, 49; and “Highly Interesting from Jerusalem,” Millennial Star, Mar. 1842, 2:167.  

    Latter-day Saints’ Millennial Star. Manchester, England, 1840–1842; Liverpool, 1842–1932; London, 1932–1970.

  39. 39

    Until his death in August 1841, Oliver Granger was tasked with settling the Kirtland-era debts. (See Letter to Oliver Granger, 4 May 1841; and Letter to Oliver Granger, 30 Aug. 1841.)  

  40. 40

    See Historical Introduction to Bond from Horace Hotchkiss, 12 Aug. 1839–A.  

  41. 41

    Revelation, 19 Jan. 1841 [D&C 124:79].  

  42. 42

    Authorization for Hyrum Smith and Isaac Galland, 15 Feb. 1841.  

  43. 43

    See Letter from William Smith, 5 Aug. 1841; and Letter to Horace Hotchkiss, 25 Aug. 1841.  

  44. 44

    Philadelphia Branch Record Book, 6 Apr. 1841; News Item, Times and Seasons, 1 May 1841, 2:403; Letter from Smith Tuttle, ca. 15 Sept. 1841; Clayton, Diary, 2 May 1841.  

    Philadelphia Branch, Record Book, 1840–1854. CCLA.

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

    Clayton, William. Diary, Vol. 1, 1840–1842. BYU.

  45. 45

    Letter to Horace Hotchkiss, 25 Aug. 1841.  

  46. 46

    “The Late Proceedings,” Times and Seasons, 15 June 1841, 2:447; George A. Smith, Journal, 21 June 1841; Letter from John M. Bernhisel, 12 July 1841; Letter to Horace Hotchkiss, 25 Aug. 1841.  

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

    Smith, George A. Journal, 22 Feb. 1841–10 Mar. 1845. George Albert Smith, Papers, 1834–1877. CHL. MS 1322, box 2, fd. 4.

  47. 47

    Letter to Horace Hotchkiss, 25 Aug. 1841.  

  48. 48

    While Hotchkiss stated that Galland was “leaving for the west,” Smith Tuttle clarified that Galland had stated he was “on his way to Nauvoo,” as William Smith confirmed in his 5 August 1841 letter. (Letter from Horace Hotchkiss, 24 July 1841; Letter from Smith Tuttle, ca. 15 Sept. 1841.)  

  49. 49

    Letter from Horace Hotchkiss, 24 July 1841; Letter to Horace Hotchkiss, 25 Aug. 1841; Letter from Horace Hotchkiss, 13 Sept. 1841; Letter from Horace Hotchkiss, 11 Oct. 1841; Letter from Horace Hotchkiss, 9 Nov. 1841; see also Letter from Smith Tuttle, ca. 15 Sept. 1841; and Letter to Smith Tuttle, 9 Oct. 1841.  

  50. 50

    Letter from Horace Hotchkiss, 11 Oct. 1841; Letter from William Smith, 5 Aug. 1841.  

  51. 51

    The transfer of the property did not take place until February 1842. (Letter from Horace Hotchkiss, 9 Nov. 1841; Horace Hotchkiss et al., Receipt, Fair Haven, CT, to James Ivins, 28 Feb. 1842, JS Collection, CHL.)  

    Smith, Joseph. Collection, 1827–1846. CHL. MS 155.

  52. 52

    “Conference Minutes,” Times and Seasons, 1 Sept. 1841, 2:522; Letter from Calvin A. Warren, 31 Aug. 1841; JS, Journal, 13 Dec. 1841.  

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

  53. 53

    News Item, Warsaw (IL) Signal, 14 July 1841, [2], italics in original.  

    Warsaw Signal. Warsaw, IL. 1841–1853.

  54. 54

    “The Twelve,” Times and Seasons, 2 Aug. 1841, 2:487.  

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

  55. 55

    Memorial to Nauvoo High Council, 18 June 1840.  

  56. 56

    Minutes, 16 Aug. 1841.  

  57. 57

    Act to Incorporate the City of Nauvoo, 16 Dec. 1840; Historical Introduction to Minutes, 3 Feb. 1841. The Act to Incorporate the City of Nauvoo, also known as the Nauvoo charter, was an Illinois state legislative act that, among other things, authorized a city council. The council was granted the power to establish and execute city ordinances so long as they were “not repugnant to the Constitution of the United States” or to the Illinois state constitution. The council was also authorized to create any legislation it deemed “necessary for the peace, benefit, good order, regulation, convenience, and cleanliness, of said city; for the protection of property therein from destruction by fire, or otherwise, and for the health, and happiness, thereof.” The First Presidency stated the charter was the most liberal, “with the most plenary powers, ever conferred by a legislative assembly on free citizens.” (Proclamation, 15 Jan. 1841; see also News Item, Western World [Warsaw, IL], 13 Jan. 1841, [2].)  

    Western World. Warsaw, IL. 1840–1841.

  58. 58

    Minutes, 1 Mar. 1841.  

  59. 59

    Minutes, 4 Feb. 1841.  

  60. 60

    The Nauvoo Legion’s official relationship to the state government mirrored that of other city militias. That the legion was still answerable to the governor can be seen in Joseph Smith’s commission as lieutenant general. This commission came from Governor Thomas Carlin and stated, “I do strictly require all officers and soldiers under [Joseph Smith’s] command to be obedient to his orders; and he is to obey such orders and directions as he shall receive from time to time, from the Commander-in-Chief, or his superior officer.” (Commission from Thomas Carlin, 10 Mar. 1841.)  

  61. 61

    Storrow, “Journey to the West,” 3 July 1841.  

    Storrow, Thomas Wentworth. “Journey to the West,” no date. Storrow Family Papers, 1762–1999. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

  62. 62

    “Progress of the Mormons,” Daily National Intelligencer (Washington DC), 7 Apr. 1841, [3].  

    Daily National Intelligencer. Washington DC. 1800–1869.

  63. 63

    “The Mormons,” New-York Tribune, 15 July 1841, [1].  

    New-York Tribune. New York City. 1841–1842.

  64. 64

    In June 1841, Sharp wrote: “Ask yourselves what means this array of military force which is paraded under the direction of this church. Is an army necessary to propagate religion?” ([Thomas Sharp], “The Mormons,” Warsaw [IL] Signal, 9 June 1841, [2]; see also “The Mormons,” Western World [Warsaw, IL], 24 Feb. 1841, [2]; and General Orders for Nauvoo Legion, 4 May 1841.)  

    Warsaw Signal. Warsaw, IL. 1841–1853.

    Western World. Warsaw, IL. 1840–1841.

  65. 65

    For instance, Alexander Neibaur noted in his journal on 30 May 1841 that “J Smith preachet from the last 2 ch Cronicls.” Neibaur provided no other details, and no other record of this sermon—its contents, length, or text—is known to exist. (Neibaur, Journal, 30 May 1841.)  

    Neibaur, Alexander. Journal, 1841–1862. CHL. MS 1674.

  66. 66

    See Discourse, 16 May 1841.  

  67. 67

    For more on McIntire, see Historical Introduction to Discourse, ca. 2 Feb. 1841.  

  68. 68

    Discourse, ca. 16 Mar. 1841.  

  69. 69

    See Account of Meeting, 3 July 1841.  

  70. 70

    Revelation, ca. Early Mar. 1841 [D&C 125]; Revelation, 20 Mar. 1841.  

  71. 71

    Revelation, 9 July 1841 [D&C 126].  

  72. 72

    “Obituary for Seymour Brunson,” Times and Seasons, Sept. 1840, 1:176; Jane Harper Neyman and Vienna Jaques, Statement, 29 Nov. 1854, Historian’s Office, JS History Documents, 1839–1860, CHL.  

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

    Historian’s Office. Joseph Smith History Documents, 1839–1860. CHL. CR 100 396.

  73. 73

    Vilate Murray Kimball, Nauvoo, IL, to Heber C. Kimball, London, England, 11 Oct. 1840, photocopy, Vilate Murray Kimball, Letters, 1840, CHL; Minutes and Discourse, 3–5 Oct. 1840.  

    Kimball, Vilate Murray. Letters, 1840. Photocopy. CHL.

  74. 74

    Minutes, Kirtland, OH, 22–24 May 1841, in Times and Seasons, 1 July 1841, 2:459; Vilate Murray Kimball, Nauvoo, IL, to Heber C. Kimball, London, England, 11 Oct. 1840, photocopy, Vilate Murray Kimball, Letters, 1840, CHL; Vienna Jaques, Salt Lake City, Utah Territory, to Brigham Young, 2 July 1870, Brigham Young Office Files, CHL.  

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

    Kimball, Vilate Murray. Letters, 1840. Photocopy. CHL.

    Brigham Young Office Files, 1832–1878. CHL. CR 1234 1.

  75. 75

    “Baptism for the Dead,” Warsaw (IL) Signal, 14 July 1841, [2]; “Baptism for the Dead,” New-York Tribune, 4 Aug. 1841, [1]; T. Coe, “Mormon Interpretation of 1 Cor. 15: 29,” Ohio Observer (Hudson), 26 Aug. 1841, [2]. For more on the Latter-day Saint response to Harrison’s death, see Letter from Isaac Galland, 5 Apr. 1841.  

    Warsaw Signal. Warsaw, IL. 1841–1853.

    New-York Tribune. New York City. 1841–1842.

    Ohio Observer. Hudson. 1827–1855.

  76. 76

    T. Coe, “Mormon Interpretation of 1 Cor. 15: 29,” Ohio Observer (Hudson), 26 Aug. 1841, [2].  

    Ohio Observer. Hudson. 1827–1855.

  77. 77

    Bitton, “The Waning of Mormon Kirtland,” 456–457; Minutes, Kirtland, OH, 23 May 1841, in Times and Seasons, 1 July 1841, 2:459; Baugh, “For This Ordinance Belongeth to My House,” 52. For more on baptism for the dead, see Minutes, 7–11 Apr. 1841.  

    Bitton, Davis. “The Waning of Mormon Kirtland.” BYU Studies 12 (Summer 1972): 455–464.

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

    Baugh, Alexander L. “‘For This Ordinance Belongeth to My House’: The Practice of Baptism for the Dead Outside the Nauvoo Temple.” Mormon Historical Studies 3 (Spring 2002): 47–58.

  78. 78

    Bishop, “Baptism for the Dead at Nauvoo,” 88–89.  

    Bishop, M. Guy. “‘What Has Become of Our Fathers?’: Baptism for the Dead at Nauvoo.” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 23, no. 2 (Summer 1990): 85–97.

  79. 79

    Revelation, 19 Jan. 1841 [D&C 124:29–32]; Minutes and Discourse, 1–5 Oct. 1841.  

  80. 80

    Storrow, “Journey to the West,” 3 July 1841.  

    Storrow, Thomas Wentworth. “Journey to the West,” no date. Storrow Family Papers, 1762–1999. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

  81. 81

    “Mormonism,” New-York Tribune, 18 Aug. 1841, [2]; see also “Mormons,” Illinois Free Trader and LaSalle County Commercial Advertiser (Ottawa), 30 July 1841, [2]; “Baptism for the Dead,” Warsaw (IL) Signal, 14 July 1841, [2]; and “Baptism for the Dead,” New-York Tribune, 4 Aug. 1841, [1].  

    New-York Tribune. New York City. 1841–1842.

    Illinois Free Trader and LaSalle County Commercial Advertiser. Ottawa. 1840–1843.

    Warsaw Signal. Warsaw, IL. 1841–1853.

  82. 82

    Bushman, Rough Stone Rolling, 424–425.  

    Bushman, Richard Lyman. Joseph Smith: Rough Stone Rolling. With the assistance of Jed Woodworth. New York: Knopf, 2005.

  83. 83

    For more on Fanny Alger, see Historical Introduction to Letter from Thomas B. Marsh, 15 Feb. 1838. Regarding Joseph Smith’s early teachings on plural marriage, see Bachman, “Ohio Origins of the Revelation on Eternal Marriage,” 24–26; and Hales, Joseph Smith’s Polygamy, 1:85–91.  

    Bachman, Danel W. “New Light on an Old Hypothesis: The Ohio Origins of the Revelation on Eternal Marriage.” Journal of Mormon History 5 (1978): 19–32.

    Hales, Brian C. Joseph Smith’s Polygamy. 3 vols. SLC: Greg Kofford Books, 2013.

  84. 84

    For a general discussion of plural marriage, see Nauvoo Journals, December 1841–April 1843. According to a later affidavit by Joseph Bates Noble, the man who reportedly performed the marriage, Joseph Smith was sealed to Louisa Beman in a private ceremony in a grove near Main Street. Zina Huntington Jacobs signed a detailed affidavit stating that she was sealed to Smith on 27 October 1841 in Nauvoo and that her brother Dimick Huntington officiated, with his wife, Fanny Allen Huntington, in attendance. (Joseph Bates Noble, Affidavit, Salt Lake Co., Utah Territory, 26 June 1869, in Joseph F. Smith, Affidavits about Celestial Marriage, 1:3; Walker, Journal, 17 June 1883; Zina Diantha Huntington Young, Affidavit, Salt Lake Co., Utah Territory, 1 May 1869, Joseph F. Smith, Affidavits about Celestial Marriage, 1:5.)  

    Smith, Joseph F. Affidavits about Celestial Marriage, 1869–1915. CHL. MS 3423.

    Walker, Charles L. Journal, May 1866–Jan. 1873. Charles L. Walker, Papers, 1854–1899. CHL.

  85. 85

    Storrow, “Journey to the West,” before 3 July 1841.  

    Storrow, Thomas Wentworth. “Journey to the West,” no date. Storrow Family Papers, 1762–1999. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

  86. 86

    Affidavit, 29 Nov. 1841; see also Macedonia Branch, Record, 12 Nov. 1841.  

    Macedonia Branch, Record / “A Record of the Chur[c]h of Jesus Christ of Latter day Saints in Macedonia (Also Called Ramus),” 1839–1850. CHL. LR 11808 21.

  87. 87

    See Historical Introduction to Promissory Note to John Brassfield, 16 Apr. 1839; Requisition for JS, 1 Sept. 1840, State of Missouri v. JS for Treason (Warren Co. Cir. Ct. 1841), JS Extradition Records, Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum, Springfield, IL; Alanson Brown, Affidavit, Hancock Co., IL, 13 July 1840, in Times and Seasons, July 1840, 1:141; Editorial, Times and Seasons, Sept. 1840, 1:169–170; and “The Mormons,” Quincy (IL) Whig, 12 Sept 1840, [2].  

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

    Quincy Whig. Quincy, IL. 1838–1856.

  88. 88

    Bushman, Rough Stone Rolling, 425.  

    Bushman, Richard Lyman. Joseph Smith: Rough Stone Rolling. With the assistance of Jed Woodworth. New York: Knopf, 2005.

  89. 89

    “Joe Smith Arrested,” Warsaw (IL) Signal, 9 June 1841, [2].  

    Warsaw Signal. Warsaw, IL. 1841–1853.

  90. 90

    Letter to Editors, 6 May 1841.  

  91. 91

    “The Habeas Corpus,” Warsaw (IL) Signal, 16 June 1841, [3]; “The Late Proceedings,” Times and Seasons, 15 June 1841, 2:448.  

    Warsaw Signal. Warsaw, IL. 1841–1853.

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

  92. 92

    “To All Office-holders and Office-seekers in the State of Illinois,” Warsaw (IL) Signal, 7 July 1841, [1].  

    Warsaw Signal. Warsaw, IL. 1841–1853.

  93. 93

    “Our Position—Again,” Warsaw (IL) Signal, 16 June 1841, [2]; “Address,” Warsaw Signal, 7 July 1841, [2]; “Difficulty at Montrose,” Warsaw Signal, 15 Sept. 1841, [2].  

    Warsaw Signal. Warsaw, IL. 1841–1853.

  94. 94

    “The Mormons,” Warsaw (IL) Signal, 19 May 1841, [2].  

    Warsaw Signal. Warsaw, IL. 1841–1853.

  95. 95

    “The Mormons,” Warsaw (IL) Signal, 9 June 1841, [2]; “Read and Ponder,” Warsaw Signal, 9 June 1841, [2]; “Our Position—Again,” Warsaw Signal, 16 June 1841, [2].  

    Warsaw Signal. Warsaw, IL. 1841–1853.

  96. 96

    Letter to Thomas Sharp, 26 May 1841.  

  97. 97

    See “A Mistake,” Warsaw (IL) Signal, 8 Sept. 1841, [3]; and “The Affair at Montrose,” Warsaw Signal, 13 Oct. 1841, [2].  

    Warsaw Signal. Warsaw, IL. 1841–1853.

  98. 98

    Storrow, “Journey to the West,” 3 July 1841.  

    Storrow, Thomas Wentworth. “Journey to the West,” no date. Storrow Family Papers, 1762–1999. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.